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UN Performance Problems UN Management Accountability Struggles Where is the Rule of Law? Inadequate UN Oversight Recent Developments
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The weaknesses of the General Assembly are accentuated by weaknesses in
the external "expert" oversight and advisory bodies which aid the Fifth
Committee (Administrative and Budgetary) of the General Assembly. Although Secretary-General Annan
commended the OIOS in 1998 for the way that it worked with the external
oversight bodies "to provide comprehensive oversight" for the UN, the
external units are even more handicapped in providing effective oversight
than is the OIOS. "Report of the Secretary-General on
the activities of the Office of Internal Oversight Services: Note by the
Secretary-General", A/53/428 of 23 September 1998. The
Fifth Committee itself suffers from the endless axes which its 190-some
Member States have to grind, its very heavy annual agenda, scattered
sessions, lack of its own substantive staff, and reliance on evasive and
cryptic reports from the Secretariat. It must also interact with the
other committees and bodies of the General Assembly, whose own work is
often disorganized and dubious (as detailed, and as continues despite many
reform attempts over the years) for instance in the UN Economic and Social
Council. "Joint Inspection Unit, "Management
in the United Nations: Work in progress", UN document A/50/507, 1995,
Chapter VI, "Management reporting and intergovernmental body oversight",
pp. 38-45, and Joint Inspection Unit,
"Accountability, management improvement, and oversight in the United
Nations system", UN document A/50/503 , 1995, Part II, "Comparative
tables", Table 12, "Primary governing bodies responsible for operational
oversight, United Nations organizations". The five external
expert bodies cited below have had some 140 professional-and-above
staff (measured in "staff
years" because some people are full-time while others are part-time staff
or only attendees at committee sessions), and their combined total
expenditures have amounted to some $18 million dollars a year (both totals
apparently were publicly calculated only once, in 1995). Some of them have
modest, or considerable, responsibilities for oversight of the $15 billion
or more annual expenditures of the entire UN system. In total, however,
they do have more equivalent professional staff posts, and far more senior
posts, than does the OIOS, as well as many major overlaps in the work that
each of them does. Joint Inspection Unit, "Accountability,
management improvement, and oversight in the United Nations system", UN
document A/50/503, 1995, Part II, "Comparative tables", Table 11,
"External system-wide oversight bodies." The
strongest such body is the BOARD OF AUDITORS, which provides the UN
with professional auditors on
loan from national audit offices.
Their competence and discipline are well regarded but they have
restricted impact, primarily because they work on a part-time assignment
basis, and must spend most of their very limited time auditing the
financial statements of the
many complex and scattered UN programmes. Joint Inspection Unit,
"Accountability, management improvement, and oversight in the United
Nations system", UN document A/50/503, 1995, Part I, "Overview and
analysis", Chapter VII, "External system-wide oversight bodies", paras.
181, 208-215.
IO Watch
will devote much more attention to the good professional, work done by the
UN Board of Auditors, in marked contrast to the other "expert"
bodies. As an introduction,
the following two quotes illustrate in part the key role that the
Auditors' work played in establishing the General Assembly's management
accountability resolution. "UN officials who advocate a
cleanup … say that management by … top officials has been inept and,
occasionally, corrupt. 'There is no [regular] supervision of any agency'
… said [a senior
official.] Governing councils
… are 'basically rubber-stamp bodies.' The U. N. Board of Auditors …
cites numerous [problems] and 'weak internal controls' … during 1990 and
1991 … [in a] 136-page report that enumerates irregularities or
deficiencies in hiring, cash and property management, internal audits and
purchases of everything from project equipment to airline tickets.
… Many anomalies [that they report]
'appear to be recurring' and point to a 'lack of determination to enforce
regulations and rules and make the heads of units of the organization
accountable,' the report says. A recent confidential internal
paper circulating in the U. N. Development Program … put the problem more
bluntly. Citing 'a deplorable
vacuum of basic ethics' in the system, it noted widespread criticism of
'prolific structures, pompous-Byzantine attitudes of ranking officials,
operational inefficiency and … gross mismanagement of financial and
personnel resources.' The 10-page paper listed a dozen
cases of corruption involving the development agency's staffers or
programs that totaled millions of dollars in pilfered
funds." William Branigin, "The U.N. empire: polished image, tarnished reality", "As U.N. expands, so do its problems: Critics cite mismanagement, waste", Washington Post, September 20, 1992, p 4. "Mismanagement, waste, abuse and
in some cases fraud. These
are among the findings by the U.N. Board of Auditors in its examination of
Secretariat operations cited by the United States in a presentation to the
General Assembly's budget-writing Fifth
Committee. The [U.S. representative] stated
that the Secretariat 'has not made significant progress' in addressing
these problems. Referring to the current audit
report [and affirming his status as a U.N. supporter, he] said it led to
the conclusion that "existing mechanisms alone are unable to administer
and safeguard funds entrusted to the
organization.' The Board's report identified
serious deficiencies and abuses in program management, use of staff,
payment of staff allowances and benefits and in procurement and property
management, he said." "Auditors' report blasts U.N. for waste, fraud", Diplomatic
World Bulletin (New York), October 19-26, 1992, p. 1. Five years later, the
General Assembly repeated a blunt reminder of its serious concerns about
UN financial performance and accountability problems, based again upon the
oversight work of the Board of Auditors: "The General Assembly, …
Expressing deep
concern about the persistence
of problems and defects observed by the Board of Auditors in the financial
administration and management of the United Nations;
… 11. Notes with deep concern
the incidents of fraud and presumed fraud reported by the Board of
Auditors; 12. Requests the
Secretary-General and the executive heads … to take the disciplinary
actions necessary in cases of proven fraud and to enhance the individual
accountability of United Nations personnel, including through stronger
managerial control; … 15. Emphasizes the need for
greater transparency and stricter controls for trust funds
… 17. Notes … that further work
needs to be done in the biennium 1996-1997 to bring the financial
statements fully in line with the United Nations common accounting
standards, and requests the Secretary-General and the executive heads … to
pursue their efforts to ensure full compliance with those
standards." "Financial reports and audited financial statements, and reports of the Board of Auditors," General Assembly resolution 51/225 of 16 May 1997.
An
ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON ADMINISTRATIVE AND BUDGETARY QUESTIONS (ACABQ)
provides part-time "experts" who make technical analyses and
recommendations as a "traffic cop" on UN budgetary details, which the
Fifth Committee relies on heavily.
As an one intriguing sidelight about evasiveness on professionalism
matters at the UN, at least three of the ACABQ's 16 "expert" members must
be recognized financial experts.
By tradition, however, the three are never identified, presumably
so as not to embarrass or offend the dignity of the other thirteen. Joint Inspection Unit, "Accountability,
management improvement, and oversight in the United Nations system", UN
document A/50/503, "Overview and analysis" …, paras. 184-187, and
"Budgetary and financial
arrangements", General Assembly reslution 14 (I) of 13 February
1946. A
COMMITTEE FOR PROGRAMME AND COORDINATION (CPC) has budget overview
and some evaluative responsibilities, but has often been cited as a
conspicuous "fifth wheel" in the UN legislative process.
Joint Inspection Unit, "Accountability,
management improvement, and oversight in the United Nations system", UN
document A/50/503, 1995, "Overview and analysis …",
paras. 188-192.
The
JOINT INSPECTION UNIT, as already discussed in detail in the preceding
subsection, was established to provide independent external oversight for
the UN and the entire UN system through expert reviews and reports to
their many governing bodies, but has long been criticized for its weak
performance and poor "value for money." And
an INTERNATIONAL CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION (ICSC), although not an actual
oversight body, makes key decisions about UN system salaries and
conditions of work, amid much political turbulence and controversy, as
noted below.
Joint Inspection Unit, "Accountability,
management improvement, and oversight in the United Nations system", UN
document A/50/503, 1995, "Overview and analysis …", paras. 193-198. In
addition, and as a sign of dissatisfaction by the major UN donor
countries, there has been some real pressure to allow major contributing
Member States' own auditors to periodically audit the way in which the UN
uses their funds, and some positive results. As one example, the Thornburgh
report of 1993 observed that: "These steps [to improve struggling UN field operations] represent
a good beginning, but much more remains to be done. McKinsey & Co, Inc., in the
course of its review of our operations, conducted a preliminary overview
of FOD and estimated that as much as $100 million per year could be
realized in cost savings and, at the same time, visible improvements could
be made in the quality of our field operations. I would suggest that a full study
be undertaken, either by McKinsey … or by other qualified international
consulting firms, to be funded either out of a percentage increment of all
future peacekeeping budgets or through voluntary contributions by
interested Member States, some of which have already exhibited interest in
funding such an arrangement. Periodic 'outside' management reviews would, I suggest, not only
provide recommendations for better management of field operations, but
would also bolster the confidence of contributing Member States at a time
when they are being asked to increase dramatically their financial
contributions to these operations." Dick
Thornburgh, Under-Secretary-General for Administration and Management,
"Report to the Secretary-General of the United Nations" ["The Thornburgh
report"], 1 March 1993, pp. 25-26. Other
proposals are that part of the considerable funds devoted to the above
"expert" bodies might better be used for expert consultant studies, or
evaluations made by member government groups. All of these initiatives have been
strongly resisted by those who defend the archaic UN status quo in
oversight matters. Yet the
potential for finally letting the modern world and outside experts examine
the UN and improve its operations is great. Other UN system agencies have been
much more active in using these important outside resources to consider
problems, changing circumstances, and ways to enhance their
programmes. This topic (and
UN reluctance to open the doors to outside review) will eventually be
explored in considerably more detail in this archive. Independent audits and management
reviews of activities of the United Nations system", A/48/587 of 10
November 1993.
The
five existing "oversight" units have been exempt from the General
Assembly's management reform and accountability efforts of the last
decade, but they should obviously be an important element of
accountability. However, the
oldest of them were created in the late 1940s, and the "youngest" in the
1970s, with little real change ever since, except for determined efforts
to expand their memberships so that more diplomats can "participate." The
"expert" advisors have thus not modernized their operations, with the
notable exception of the Board of Auditors which, unfortunately, is still
understaffed and underfunded for its tasks. They do, however, continue to
provide important-sounding jobs, legislative activity, and not least
handsome salaries or allowances which attract many ambitious diplomats
seeking an "expert" label and credentials in "reviewing and guiding" UN
programmes. An
excellent and definitive study by John Renninger of the ICSC in 1986
analysed the way in which this supposedly technical and expert body was
captured by diplomats and political manuevering. More recent studies and
assessments by former senior UN officials have noted the continuing
limited value of these units, and the noticeable increase in members with
limited qualifications and stature for the tasks given them. The other
expert and advisory bodies (except for the Board of Auditors) also match
up poorly with the strong need for UN oversight professionalism and
performance.
John P, Renninger, "Can the common system be maintained: The role of the International Civil Service Commission", United Nations Institute for Training and Research, New York, 1986, John Renninger, "The international civil service commission and the development of a common personel policy in the United Nations system", Public Administration and Development, Vol. 7, 181-194, 1987 , Erskine Childers, with Brian
Urquhart, "Renewing the United Nations system", Development
Dialogue 1994:1, Dag Hammarskjold Foundation and Ford Foundation,
Upsala, Sweden, 1994, Chapter VIII, "The decision-making
machinery," pp.119-141,
Paul C. Light, Monitoring
government: Inspectors General and the search for accountability,
Chapter 10, "Measuring the impact of IGs", Brookings
Institution/Governance Institute, Washington, D.C., USA, 1993, pp.
204-220. A
follow-up assessment by Spiers eight years later showed little if any
improvement. " The General Assembly holds the
purse strings of the United Nations, and its most important function is
the consideration and approval of the organization's biennial budget. However, this function is
essentially entrusted to the lower-level representatives in the Fifth
Committee, whose meetings the ambassadors seldom attend. [The committee favors] … micromanagement [and] … little
attention is paid to the big issues which should underlie discussions
about the utilization of resources. … A similar situation applies in the
Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions (ACABQ),
which is supposed to consist of experts acting in a nonrepresentative
capacity. The quality,
expertise, and seniority of the personnel selected for membership in ACABQ
leave much to be desired. The
committee has an important role to perform and much more attention should
be given to its staffing. Were the General Assembly to
institute reforms [to provide] … fewer but more-important agenda items,
fewer constraints on its operating schedule, and a more manageable
committee structure, and were the Fifth Committee to become less
bureaucratic and engage the attention and participation of senior UN
officials, this would [considerably] … enhance its relevance and
effectiveness." Ronald
I. Spiers, "Reforming the United Nations," in Roger A. Coate, ed., U.S.
policy and the future of the United Nations, Twentieth Century Fund,
New York, 1994, pp.19-40 [29-31.] A very sharp 1996
assessment of overall UN reform and streamlining needs by Leon Gordenker,
a long-time and prestigious observer of UN operations, went even
further. He cited these
expert bodies as among the
prime candidates for reform or elimination because of their
overlapping, duplication, mediocrity, corruption, and, intriguingly but
importantly, their "hidden agendas". He stated
that: "[Oversight budget and management
bodies] … all cover some of the same territory. CPC is manned by governmental
delegates, while the [ACABQ, JIU, ICSC, and the Board of Auditors]
comprise governmental nominees who are supposed to function on the basis
of expertness and independence.
Their work adds up to a great deal of surveillance for a UN
Secretariat of 9,000
officials and an annual budget of less than $1.5 billion [at an annual
cost of about $ 14 million.] The fact … [of governmental
nominees] suggests that they lack objectivity and neutrality. As for CPC, one of its underlying
tasks is to ensure that the major donors support the budget … But … [CPC
also] surveys the management of the Secretariat … It has unfailing set priorities
which, on examination, are too imprecise to serve as anything but a basis
for debate. Taken together, these
structures have an obvious aura of redundance and perhaps also hidden
agendas. They imply
substantial expenditures of Secretariat and clerical time to produce the
necessary documentation. If
this documentation is then considered by bodies that provide final resting
places for the diminishing careers of their members, not enough can be
accomplished." Leon Gordenker, The UN
tangle: policy formation, reform, and reorganization, WPF Reports
number 12, The World Peace Foundation, Cambridge, Mass., 1996, pp.
6, 42-43, and
"Press conference on UN reform:
Sponsored by United States on report by World Peace Federation on UN
reform", 21 November 1996.
[emphasis added.]
These
hidden agendas begin in the Fifth Committee, where ambitious people in the
190-plus Member State delegations can open the door to the levers of UN
power and influence, and seek
a very well-paid job and even a life-long
career. Many
diplomats at the UN do try to work seriously in a limited-term (and
career-wise not very prestigious or desirable) diplomatic assignment at
the UN. However, many of the
day-to-day delegates at the
Fifth Committee are merely following orders from delegation heads and home
countries and sleepwalking through their UN assignments. Others may be the lethargic who simply want to
hold on to their places in the new and glamorous Manhattan diplomatic and social whirl for as long as
they can. Still others,
however, are -- most interestingly -- "loose cannons," off on tangents
or searches for personal glory. New
UN delegates to the Fifth Committee must of course learn to speak of
"budgets", "posts", "geographic distribution", and "supplemental
appropriations". They can
then become involved as "insiders" in the operations of a UN committee,
and engage in its key "informal consultations", corridor encounters,
get-togethers in the Delegate's Lounge, and endless alliances and
intrigues. In particular, they can befriend and/or form alliances and
connections with other well-placed diplomats and senior Secretariat
officials, especially those in higher-level personnel and administrative
posts. They are then ready to
make their most important move, which may
involve: (a) a direct appointment to a
full-time post in the UN Secretariat, with its excellent salary and
allowances, career and pension and health-care potentials, and chances to
rise to a top-level UN post (i.e., becoming a
"baron"); (b) an assignment or multiple
assignments in the many extrabudgetary posts, support accounts, and field
missions or special missions provided by the worldwide UN bureaucratic
structure and programmes (although this is a less desirable option because
it is more temporary, may involve difficult duty stations, and in
peacekeeping and humanitarian areas might involve some severe personal
risk); (c) moving onto the special
Secretariat staff of one of the many UN world conferences, and then into
another above option (although the possibilities for this have diminished
due to exhaustion with such UN conferences, most especially the chaotic UN
conference on racism in 2001); (d) of most interest here, becoming a
continuing member of one or more of the above expert and advisory
committees, either semi-permanently or as a stepping-stone to one of the
other above options.
For
those who choose the "committee option", or those want to mark time until
a Secretariat post opens up, even brief participation in a UN oversight or
advisory body allows one to claim important "expertise" on his or her
curriculum vitae. The
ultimate goal, not frequently but in some cases achieved, is to turn such
a modest start into a 20- or 30-year career of earning handsome UN
salaries and/or allowances, and living comfortably in New York. They also
seize whatever prestige and reflected glory (and it may still seem
considerable) accrues from being a higher-level cog in the work of "world
government" and the "moral
authority", "noble aims", and serving of "We the peoples" that can be
associated with the United Nations. To many, this is a heady and
compelling combination of attractions. The
chances for great success do exist.
The three officers of a single CPC session in 1975 went on to
high-level, multi-decade careers, eventually reaching the posts of head of
UNRWA (the UN agency for Palestinian refugees), Under-Secretary-General
for peacekeeping, and liaison with the Ted Turner billion-dollar fund for
UN programmes by the late 1990s. Overall,
there have been, and still are, a plethora of choices and opportunities,
as observed by Gupte in 1993: "The conventional wisdom in Third
World upmarket employment circles is that the best job opportunities in
these recessionary days are still available in the United Nations
system -- a bewildering alphabet soup rich
in countless commissions, subcommissions, fact-finding missions, agencies,
expert groups, blue-ribbon panels and blue-helmet peacekeeping
operations. For the most
part, it is a sprawling secretive system, where many modern-day rajahs
reign with conspicuous disregard for accountability
…." Pranay Gupte, "United Nations shenanigans", Newsweek International, May 24, 1993, p. 6. [Note:
Mr. Gupte is executive editor of The Earth Times.] The
duplication of these external advisory bodies and their pursuit of "hidden
agendas", as outlined above, have led to many attempts to reform or even
abolish the ACABQ, JIU, CPC, and ICSC. Conversely, although a major
attempt to enlarge the scope and role of the Board of Auditors was
suppressed in the late 1970s, the General Assembly has more recently
encouraged the auditors to take on more and more management audit work.
The reason is simple: even in an amateurish, "diplo/management" UN, the
Board of Auditors role has grown because its professionalism and steady
performance are now widely recognized, respected, and utilized. Efforts
to reform the other bodies, however, have met very stubborn resistance
from the many Member State representatives who covet these posh jobs
(except for their sometimes successful efforts to expand the memberships
and open up even more posh jobs.) Once a decade or so, the General
Assembly dutifully calls on the Secretariat to reassess the expert body
structures and functions, but the resulting reports always end up as a
mere tired description of their existing mandates and duties. The
expert advisory units, and their precious jobs, thus continue on and on.
Meanwhile, the professional, productive, and independent UN external
oversight that the General Assembly and Member States need (again, except
for the Board of Auditors) is nowhere to be
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