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Archive Introduction


UN Performance Problems

UN Management Accountability Struggles


Where is the Rule of Law?

Inadequate UN Oversight

Recent Developments

 
  

 

 


Development Assistance    

                                                                                                                            

 

Chronological quotes

 

 

 

"The Capacity Study is finished ….

We have diagnosed the [sickness of the UN development system of technical co-operation] and written a prescription. ….

…. Governments created this machine - which [has become] probably the most complex organization in the world.  …. Briefly, it is built up of the administrative structures of the United Nations and its component parts, …. and of about a dozen Specialized Agencies.  In theory, it is under the control of about thirty separate governing bodies …. At the headquarters level, there is …. no central co-ordinating organization [to exercise effective control] …. [and there is also] an extraordinary complex of regional and sub-regional offices, and …. field offices in over ninety developing countries.  …. Who controls this 'machine'?  So far the evidence shows that governments do not, and also that the machine is incapable of intelligently controlling itself.  This is not because it lacks intelligent and capable officials, but because it it is so organized that managerial direction is impossible.  In other words, the machine as a whole has become unmanageable in the strictest sense of the word.  As a result, it is becoming slower and more unwieldy, like some prehistoric monster."

A study of the capacity of the United Nations development system [also known as "the Jackson report" after its principal author], 2 vols., DP/5, United Nations, Geneva, 1969, Vol. 1, pp. i-iii.                       

 

 

 

"The Jackson Report approached the matter of development system coordination as a managerial problem.  …. What it misunderstood was the extent to which institutional jealousies overwhelmed common goals. It also ignored political complications, such as the extent to which extraneous issues would be introduced into the agendas of international organizations at various times. ….

The "country program" concept [sought] orderly integration and setting of priorities …. [through a UNDP] 'grand coordinator.' …. Jackson's insight …. had to be balanced, of course, by his advocating the need to elevate the 'quality of the men and women filling those posts.'  He pushed for …. replacement of most of the incumbent Resident Representatives, whose average age then was an elderly 55.  He was not successful …. it would have meant the potential forced retirement of senior employees with major political clout.

Similarly, Jackson's recommendation that the U. N. …. move UNDP physically closer to the specialized agencies in Geneva was largely ignored, even though many argued that [placing] UNDP near the General Assembly had not helped it accomplish its purposes.  In these and other small failures in implementing the Jackson Report lay the germ of major future problems."

Richard E. Bissell, The United Nations Development Programme: Failing the world's poor,  Heritage Foundation, Washington, DC., October 1985.                                    

 

 

"To continue with the charade [of official development assistance] seems to me to be absurd.  Garnered and justified in the name of the destitute and the vulnerable, aid's main function in the past half-century has been to create and then entrench a powerful new class of rich and privileged people.  In that notorious club of parasites and hangers-on made up of the United Nations, the World Bank and the bilateral agencies, it is aid -- and nothing else -- that has provided hundreds of thousands of 'jobs for the boys' and that has permitted record-breaking standards to be set in self-serving behavior, arrogance, paternalism, moral cowardice and mendacity.  At the same time, in the developing countries, aid has perpetuated the rule of incompetent and venal men whose leadership would otherwise be utterly non-viable; it has allowed governments characterized by historic ignorance, avarice and irresponsibility to thrive; and, last but not least, it has condoned -- and in some cases facilitated -- the most consistent and grievous violations of human rights that have occurred anywhere in the world since the dark ages.

 … the time has come for the lords of poverty to depart."

Graham Hancock, Lords of poverty: The freewheeling lifestyles, power, prestige, and corruption of the multi-billion dollar aid business, Macmillan, London, 1989, pp 192- 193.

 

 

 

“In 1990, the fortieth anniversary of the start of UN technical cooperation programmes, the British … [told the UNDP’s] Governing Council that … there was … ‘a troubling and rising dissatisfaction with the impact of much UN and UNDP assistance.’ …  Britain’s three conditions for continued support … were ‘an end to bickering over rival claims to competence’ and ‘an end to empire-building’ by the agencies and by UNDP itself; vastly improved teamwork to mobilize all UN resources effectively within recipient countries; and ‘proper standards of planning back-up’, preferable country-focused, and for ‘identifying, appraising and monitoring and evaluating programs and projects’ (emphases added) …

The heart of technical cooperation … was ‘the creation of good governance, sound and efficient institutions,’ and ‘intelligent management.’ … UNDP would need to change its managerial structure and alter its own ‘skill mix.’  And it must develop a clear idea of the services it needed from UN agencies, insist on their compliance, ‘and monitor that it is getting what it pays for – or rather, what we pay for through it.’

The bluntness of this attack on the UNDP’ senior management, and on the whole project-based approach of the UN [system] agencies, was intentional.”

Rosemary Righter, Utopia lost: The United Nations and world order, Twentieth Century Fund, New York, 1995, p. 267.                        

 

 

 

" …. The whole concept of technical assistance, [the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)'s] raison d'etre, has come under intense fire as donors and recipients have conducted increasingly depressing audits of its effectiveness.

A damning report on …. four decades of technical co-operation in Africa sent shock waves through the agency last year.  UNDP's Africa bureau concluded: 'Technical assistance has not brought to Africa the results expected of it …. At present the feeling is widespread that is more often misused than well used and frequently counter-productive.'

The report highlighted a 'persistent reliance on expatriate technical assistance personnel,' which had done little to help recipient countries become more self-reliant. 'Technical co-operation seems off the mark in addressing priority issues.' it added.

Although [UNDP aid to Africa] consumes almost half of the agency's so-called 'core' resources,  officials caution that technical assistance has [done better] in Latin America and Asia.  They are trying hard to replace foreign experts with local specialists. 

Anyway, they add, there is a new strategy [of] 'capacity building', and its buzz words are 'synergy' and 'sustainability.'

Ian Katz, "UN 50 years on: Aid body faces its midlife crisis", The Guardian (UK), May 15, 1995.

                                                                                                           

 

 

"As the leaders of every nation on earth mark the 50th anniversary of the United Nations this week, …. they must do more than fill the General Assembly hall with platitudes ….  Without significant changes in organization and behavior, the UN will lose its remaining effectiveness and public support. ….

The UN remains an underachiever in what should be one of its natural endeavors  --  economic and social development.  One reason is the multiplication of duplicative agencies that have become little more than loudspeakers for wishful rhetoric.  The present Economic and Social Council should give way to a new Economic Security Council that would be taken seriously by the major economic powers and would coordinate its work with the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization."

"A hard look", The Washington Post, in the International Herald Tribune, October 24, 1995.                                            

 

 

 

"Although the United Nations is essentially an enormous information processing and sharing machine, it … almost never addresses frontally …. the quality of [its] data, the value added … and  the cost-effectiveness ….

A report on ['Restructuring and revitalization …. ' (A-50-697) hides] these key questions  under layers of esoteric bureaucratese. … A section entitled 'Documentation' [says] 'the documentation crisis in the United Nations is not a new phenomenon. … despite repeated analyses and discussions, the crisis continues and indeed, may have grown more acute.  It seriously impacts the ability of intergovernmental bodies to perform their mandated functions … Although member states have complained insistently, … the Secretariat [also] can have no interest in bringing out a document long after the due date. ….

'The roots of the documentation crisis are systemic.  … Without a cultural change in the way business is done in the economic, social, and related sectors, where the tendency has been to increase the number of bodies as well as the frequency with which they meet, it is unlikely that the documentation crisis will abate.'"

"UN economic & social sector reform ignores critical issues of information flow and use", International Documents Review (New York), November 27, 1995.

                                                                                                               

 

 

"Responsible local institutions.  Merely advocating democracy in repressive states isn't going to suffice.  Global aid organizations need to create mechanisms through which local democratic institutions  --  such as village panchayats in India and the banjars in Indonesia  -- receive assistance …  Much of the developing world is still rural, and the fruits of economic growth have been largely denied to the hinterland in poor nations.

International monitors.  The donor community should tighten its requirements concerning corrosive issues such as bribery and debt.  Corruption has increased exponentially in urban areas of developing countries. …..

 Parliamentarians and small-scale businessmen.  In many developing countries  -- Sri Lanka, Zimbabwe, and Brazil are good examples -- the legislative branch of government tends to be far more active in promoting development than the executive branch.  Yet legislators are largely bypassed by foreign donors in the development process. …. So are small entrepreneurs. …"

Pranay Gupte, "A jump-start for the poor: To spur social development, focus on the forces that can really make a difference", Newsweek, October 26, 1998, p. 4.
[Note:  Mr. Gupte is editor and publisher of The Earth Times]

                                                                                                                               

 

 

"The United Nations and its sister institutions will face a period of harsh reform.  Most of the global organizations set up at the end of the second world war are held in low esteem ….

This is odd.  The end of the cold war …. has accentuated the need for global institutions. ….

Unfortunately, global institutions have not risen to the task. ….

The UN, quite simply, looks out of date.  By trying to do everything, it rarely does anything very well.  In particular, most of its money goes into social and economic development.  These activities appeal to the poorer 'southern' states that have such a grip on the [General Assembly].  But government aid now accounts for only a tiny proportion of the money flowing to developing countries.  And much of the UN's development work has been superceded by leaner, non-governmental organisations, such as charities."

John Micklethwait, "The multilateral muddle", in "The world in 1999", The Economist, January 1999, p. 73.                                                 

 

 

 

"[As] many multinational aid agencies are more picky about governments these days …. The United Nations Development Programme [operates universally worldwide], the 'one little voice whispering in the government's ear about second chances.'

Universality is the UNDP's strongest card.  Otherwise, its hand is increasingly weak.  …. other UN agencies have carved out areas  from UNDP territory: Unicef for children, the World Food Programme to keep people fed; and most disturbingly for UNDP, the World Bank for development policy.  The Bank has $28 billion to spend each year, the UNDP only $2 billion.  And  [UNDP's head, Mark] Malloch Brown, admits that even this $2 billion has not always been delivering the best results.

The agency's core resources have shrunk by up to half since its heyday in the 1980s.  America has gradually reduced its contributions …. and most of the rest comes from Scandinavian countries, but they are said to be tiring of the burden and would prefer to spend their money bilaterally.  Mr. Malloch Brown describes the UNDP as suffering from 'change fatigue' and wants it to settle on clear achievable objectives."

"UN development programme: Staying on", The Economist, July 10, 1999, p. 53.

 

 

 

"Mark Malloch-Brown, new chief of the UN Development Program, had hardly moved into his [job] …. when he got some bad news.  Denmark and Germany, mainstays of his agency's $2 billion annual budget, were slashing their annual contributions [which are voluntary rather than mandatory like UN dues] … to finance [pledges made] to rebuild Kosovo. ….

Indeed, the Kosovo crisis has intensified the already fierce competition for dollars among relief and development agencies and makes it all the more likely that the search for funds will consume much of Mr. Malloch-Brown's tenure.

In announcing [Denmark's] reduction, Poul Nielsen, Denmark's development minister, who had been Europe's candidate for the [UNDP] job, denied that the cut was what a Danish journalist called a 'devious' act of 'revenge' for not having won the post.

Mr. Malloch-Brown expressed his 'alarm' that a country with such a long history of generous giving to the world's poor would 'tax Africa to fund Kosovo.'  Denmark, he added, underscoring his concern, risked setting a 'dangerous trend' that he hope other donors would not follow."

Judith Miller, "Cutting funds, donors put UN aid body in tight spot", International Herald Tribune, July 12, 1999.

[Note:  see also the three following related entries on UN public relations and politics in the service of development aid]

 

 

 

"Its development efforts under attack from both Right and Left, the World Bank named Swedish diplomat Mats Karlsson to head its public-relations efforts. 

Mr. Karlsson will become the bank's vice president for external affairs ….  He currently serves as Sweden's state secretary for international development cooperation.

Mr. Karlsson, 43, succeeds Mark Malloch Brown, who left the bank to run the United Nations Development Program.  The bank's publicity-conscious president, James D. Wolfensohn, brought in Mr. Malloch Brown five years ago to burnish the bank's image and to raise public awareness of its economic-development mission."

"Swedish diplomat named to head World Bank PR", The Wall Street Journal Europe, August 10, 1999.                                                          

                                                [Note: See two following items]

 

 

 

"The power of the Internet has at last been harnessed to develop a new tool to fight poverty; a Web site that offers the potential to engage a new constituency of people, networked by a common concern. …..

The site …. was launched Wednesday with the hope that it will mark a renewal of international development cooperation, which in the last decade has lost much public confidence and support. ….

NetAid is a partnership between the United Nations Development Program and Cisco Systems, a maker of data communications gear.  The Web Site will allow those who log on to learn more about world poverty and find out what they can do to help.

A corrosive skepticism about big aid agencies has led development cooperation to become associated with waste, corruption and a hopeless dependence rather than with what it is meant to be; an extraordinary force for change in the lives of the world's poor ….

The ambitions of the NetAid partnership do not stop at creating the world's biggest and most diverse Web site.  This is only a starting point for a bigger dream: a public-private partnership to connect the world."

Mark Malloch Brown, "Fighting poverty with the Internet", International Herald Tribune, September 9, 1999.                                

                                    [Note: See next item]                                

 

 

 

"It is supposed to be the feel-good event of the fall, a melding of music, technology and anti-poverty action.  On Saturday, millions around the world will watch pop stars …. perform in London, Geneva and New Jersey for NetAid, a United Nations-sponsored effort to engage wealthy Westerners in the hardships of the developing world.  The concerts will be carried live on television in 60 countries and radio broadcasts will reach 120 nations.  The shows will promote NetAid's website. ….

But even before the first chords are struck, the charitable alliance is caught up in controversy, deflecting charges of self-interest.  Harry Belafonte, the actor and musician who helped organize the event, said he and the actor Danny Glover were quitting in disgust.  The event, he said, had 'been reduced to a trade show', promoting the UN bureaucracy and a corporate sponsor, Cisco Systems.  UN sources said that in his letter of resignation, Belafonte also complained that proceeds would be funneled back into the UN Development Program and Cisco before money reached the world's poor."

"People",  International Herald Tribune, October 9, 1999.                        

                                    [Note: See also the preceding three items on UN "PR" efforts]    

 

 

 

"Bill Clinton may be well-intentioned in his demand that the money saved from debt servicing should be used to help alleviate poverty.  Unfortunately, a vast majority of developing countries lack not only skilled and honest leaders, but also local institutions that can work constructively to promote social and economic development.  Perhaps donor nations should use the money from debt cancellation to create an international corps to engender better governance.  Though this might invite charges of interference in local sovereignty, donors can institute standards of economic and democratic compliance.  And if developing countries want to move faster to meet the rising expectations of their own constituencies, they have to work with societies where civic discipline, honest leadership and transparent governance aren't considered luxuries."

Pranay Gupte, "Forgiving and forgetting: Clinton offers debt relief to the world's poorest countries.  But how much will that really help?", Newsweek, October 11, 1999, p. 6.

[Note:  Mr. Gupte is editor and publisher of The Earth Times]  
                                                                                 

 

 

"There are several United Nations.  There is the international body of nations which does so many tasks -- from vaccinating children to distributing food  --  with considerable success. …

Another United Nations, perhaps the most intractable, was made up of the vast and largely autonomous baronies constituted by the various agencies which carry out the UN's development and relief work.  … Undoubtedly they contained time servers, like the central secretariat itself … because of the quotas insisted upon by governments.  Moreover, the agencies guarded their sovereignty as fiercely as any member state and fought any attempts to diminish their autonomy through coordination.  Directors would not hesitate to call upon their own national governments to fight any attempt by the secretary-general to dismiss incompetent senior staff or to rationalize their cost. …"

William Shawcross, Deliver us from evil: Peacekeepers, warlords, and a world of endless conflict, Simon & Schuster, New York, 2000, p. 227.

                                                                                   

 

 

"Since 1970, world poverty has in fact shrunk markedly, and with China and India growing growing fast, inequality has, too.

According to the U.N., growing poverty and inequality are the world's main economic threats, and unchecked globalization and market expansion are largely to blame.  One point is that poverty and inequality are two different concepts.  When measured by [income per day, or annual per capita incomes] world poverty has fallen dramatically in the past 30 years.

The U.N. Human Development Reports should base their assessments … on a better understanding of the facts.  It is incorrect to argue that world poverty and inequality have been rising over the past 30 years and then to attribute this fictional development to unchecked globalization and market expansion.  These poorly grounded observations from an apparently respected source feed into the false arguments of the world's 'globaphobes', who are generally opposed to economic development. …"

Robert J. Barro, "The U.N. is dead wrong on poverty and inequality", Business Week, May 6, 2002, p. 12.

                                                                                                           

 

 

"Challenges that must be globally managed keep popping up: genetic engineering, AIDS, and global terrorist networks.   Yet … the global landscape has dramatically changed in the last 50 years, but the institutions serving the world have not.

The array of institutions is bewildering.  Within the U. N. system alone, there are 112 agencies.  More than 20 agencies deal with water, for example. ….

Functions overlap, mandates conflict, and each agency has its own standard of accountability, [or unaccountability] to member governments.  ….

The institutions cannot reform themselves.  Two generations of institutional contamination and tenured self-interest ensure that this deadlock continues.  But this lack of coherence damages their collective credibility, frustrates their donors and owners, and gives rise to public cynicism.  There is a consensus that something must be done, but no consensus on how to go about it."

Mike Moore, "Multilateral meltdown", Foreign Policy, March/April 2003, pp. 74-75.

[Note: Mr. Moore was Director General of the World Trade Organization from 1999 to 2002 and is a former Prime Minister of New Zealand.  He is the author of A world without walls: Freedom, development, free trade, and global governance, Cambridge University, Cambridge, UK, 2003.]

                                                                               

 

 

"When Catherine Caufield began the reporting for her book on the World Bank … she asked the Bank to direct her to some of its most successful projects.  … Bank press officers made repeated promises but produced no list.  Finally, … they came up with [a $772 million gas field project in the Arabian sea].  She discovered that … the Bank had managed to avoid controversy [no villagers had needed to be resettled] -- this was apparently the successful part.  The project had taken twice as long as expected to complete, and, according to Bank records, more than a third of the loan had ultimately been written off "due to misprocurement."  Every generation of Bank officials has promised to improve this record …"

William Finnegan, "The economics of empire: Notes on the Washington Consensus", Harper's Magazine, May 2003, pp. 41-54 [p. 45].

[Note:  Ms. Caufield's book, Masters of Illusion: The World Bank and the poverty of nations, Macmillan, London, 1997, is also cited elsewhere in this archive. 
                                 
         

 

 

 

"[New tax reductions in the United States will provide America's 400 richest income earners nearly $7 billion.] 

Suppose the super rich applied their tax savings toward Africa's survival. That extra …income  …. would provide a huge chunk of the $8 billion that the United States should contribute to the global health care effort.

This money could readily and reliably be given to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, which could then put it to spectacular use in saving … eight million lives each year.  … could there be a better way to give meaning to vast wealth?"

Jeffrey D. Sachs, "America's wealth: How the richest nations can help the poorest", International Herald Tribune, July 10, 2003, p. 7.

[Note: item 1 of 3, please see next two items]

                                                                                                           

 

 

"As the death toll from AIDs continues to mount, more and more money is arriving [in Africa] from overseas to combat the disease.

[That money, however] … is more than sufficient to attract the attention of the unscrupulous.  Across Africa, fake AIDS charities, which often lack offices or phones, have sprung up.  'We've had all manner of people, some with no professional expertise, trying to elbow in on the pandemic', said Frances Angila, the head of Kenya's oversight organization for …. NGO's.  'The potential for fly-by-night organizations is very high.  …. Sometimes it's a few cronies who had a beer in a pub and decided that having an AIDS organization would be a good thing.' ….

The health minister for Kenya, Charity Ngulu, who has led efforts to combat AIDS fraud, has accused the AIDS control council of squandering millions of dollars through shoddy accounting and questionable contracting procedures. ….  No more contracts ought to go, she said, to what she calls 'briefcase NGOs,' that operate out of some shady character's attache case."

Marc Lacey, "In Kenya, a fierce fight against AIDS and fraud", International Herald Tribune, July 10, 2003, p. 8.

[Note: item 2 of 3, please see next item]

 

 

 

"I read Jeffrey Sach's article with a great deal of interest.  As an African, I appreciate and welcome the idea of 400 super-rich Americans donating billions of dollars … to health care and education in Africa.  But I would caution that the problem is more complicated than that.

We Africans should take more responsibility for our destiny. …. there should be greater emphasis on good governance, public and private sector accountability, democracy, and respect for human rights on the continent.  This point is well illustrated by … [a report last week] of massive fraud by bogus groups claiming to fight AIDS in Kenya.

In Rwanda, we have learned from the hard lessons of the 1994 genocide and its aftermath that nobody owes us a free lunch.  If we want to be helped, we have got to earn it, to prove worthy of it.  International help is not a right."

Nicholas Shalita, Rwanda Mission to the UN, "Letters: Fixing Africa", International Herald Tribune, July 18, 2003.

[Note: item 3 of 3, please see above]

 

 

 

"[An excellent essay by Stanley Fischer] …. deserves to be read carefully by globalists and anti-globalists alike [for a new perspective on falling global inequality.]

Is it just a coincidence that [rapid globalizers] India and China did so well?

The real question …. is why some countries …. find it so difficult to participate.

America and the European Union both retain trade restrictions that hurt the poor countries [and] have been promising reform for years, but the world is still waiting.

But governments of the poorest countries themselves bear much of the responsibility.  [They impose] …. many of the world's highest trade barriers …. on trade with other poor countries -- to say nothing of the failure to provide security or stability, or of the enormous sums (including money received as aid) squandered on vanity public projects or luxuries for the ruling circles and their chums.  For countries with governments like this, globalisation is always going to be difficult to achieve."  Nontheless, it cannot hurt to understand that the problem is not too much globalisation, but too little.  If you ever need reminding of this, look at Mr. Fischer's charts."

"Economics focus: Catching up: If you consider people, global inequality is falling rapidly", The Economist, August 23, 2003, p. 56.

Note: The article discussed is "Globalisation and its challenges" by Stanley Fischer, AEA Papers and Proceedings, American Economic Review, volume 93, number 2, May 2003.                                                          

 

 

 

"The notion of 'sustainable development' is looking ever more fragile, at least in political terms. ….   Indeed the rift is growing between advocates of environmental protection and economic development -- two key components of sustainable development that the landmark World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987 judged were 'impossible to separate.'

 …. 'Striking a balance', a report issued last summer by Conservation International (CI) …. [stated that] 'As poverty has become the overarching focus of development assistance …. biodiversity is increasingly framed in terms of its relation to poverty reduction.'  [I]t appears to be diminishing support for shorter-term conservation investments.' 

Charles Geisler, a professor at Cornell University, views the rift as less of a death knell for sustainable development than a call for development advocates to treat each interest separately.  '[These groups] are very aware that the development program is extremely limited and probably can't carry its own weight without including the environmental goals.'  Geisler thinks that a new modus vivendi is in the cards, noting how the two groups 'seem to be looking for more of a third way.'  Maybe they'll find a new buzzword while they're at it."

"Unsustainable development", Foreign Policy, November/December 2003, p. 17.

                                   

 

 

"Every day, migrants working in rich countries send money to their families in the developing world.  It's just a few hundred dollars here, a few hundred dollars there.  But last year, these remittances added up to $80 billion, outstripping foreign aid and ranking as one of the biggest sources of foreign exchange for poor countries.  Following a boom in the 1990s, this flow of money is lifting entire countries out of poverty, creating new financial channels, and reshaping international politics."

Lead-in to the article by Devesh Kapur and John McHale, "Migration's new payoff", Foreign Policy, November/December 2003, pp. 49-57.            

 

 

 

 

 

Note:  This subsection, and the other five "UN performance problems" subsections that precede "Anecdotes and Observations", are very much still in the "start-up" stage, due to the priority need to establish all the parts of this archive.  Material from the sources cited in the "useful sources" for each of them, and other material, will be added as soon as possible.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Useful Sources

(Note: informally assembled by IO Watch, roughly ranked from "most useful" on down, and subject to change as new sources are added)



Easterly, William, "The cartel of good intentions", Foreign Policy, July/August 2002, pp. 40-49.
                                        

Moore, Mike, "Multilateral meltdown: It's time for another walk in the Bretton Woods", Foreign Policy, March-April 2003, pp.74-75.                                        

"Special report: Global poverty", Business Week  International, October 14, 2002,  pp. 56-70, 96.
                                                            

Hancock, Graham, Lords of poverty: The freewheeling lifestyles, power, prestige and corruption of the multi-billion dollar aid business, Macmillan, London, 1989.  

 

Griffiths, Peter, The economist's tale: A consultant encounters hunger and the World Bank, Zed, London and New York, 2003.                 

 

Nordic UN Project, The, The United Nations in development: Reform issues in the economic and social fields: A Nordic perspective: Final report, Almqvist & Wiksell, Stockholm, 1991.                

 

Nordic UN Project 1996 in the Economic and Social Fields, The, The United Nations in development: Strengthening the UN through change: Fulfilling its economic and social mandate, GCSM AS, Oslo, December 1996.                         

 

Weiss, Thomas G., and Gordenker, Leon, eds., NGOs, the UN and global governance, Lynne Rienner, Boulder CO (USA) and London, 1996.   [Chapters 1-11 from Third World Quarterly, 1996.]

 

Coate, Roger A., "The United Nations and development," in A global agenda: Issues before the 57th General Assembly of the United Nations, Ayton-Shenker, Diana, ed., An annual publication of the United Nations Association of the United States of America, Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham, MD, Boulder CO, New York, Oxford, 2002, pp. 139-164.

 

Collins, Paul, ed., "The administrative reform process in international development organizations", Public Administration and Development, Special Issue, vol. 7, no. 2, August 1987.

Bissell, Richard E., The United Nations Development Programme: Failing the world's poor, Heritage Foundation, Washington, D.C., October 1985.

Maren, Michael, The road to hell: The ravaging effects of foreign aid and international charity, Free Press, New York, 1997.


Farmer, Paul, Pathologies of power: Health, human rights, and the new war on the poor, University of California,   Berkeley, CA (USA), 2003.   [With a foreward by Amaratya Sen]

 

Anderson, Mary, Do no harm: How aid can support peace -- or war, Lynne Rienner, Boulder CO (USA), 1999.                               

A new United Nations structure for global economic cooperation: Report of the Group of experts on the structure of the United Nations system, United Nations, E/AC.62/9, New York, 1975.                   

 

A study of the capacity of the United Nations development system  [also known as "the Jackson report"  or as "the Capacity Study"], 2 vols., DP/5, United Nations, Geneva, 1969.                    

                                                                                               

Cassen, Robert, and Associates, Does aid work: Report to an intergovernmental task force, (of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund), Clarendon, Oxford University, Oxford (UK), 1986.                                                            

Hill, Martin, The United Nations system: Coordinating its economic and social work, under the auspices of the United Nations Institute for Training and Research, Cambridge University, London, 1978.

                               

Erickson, Edward W., and Sumner, Daniel A., Ch. 1, "The U.N. and economic development", in Pines, Burton Yale, ed., A world without a U.N.: What would happen if the U.N. shut down, The Heritage Foundation, Washington, DC, 1984, pp. 1-22.

 

Townley, Ralph, Ch. 11, "The economic organs of the United Nations", in Luard, Evan, ed., The evolution of international organizations, Thames and Hudson, London, 1966, pp. 246-284.    
                     

Miller, Lynn H., Ch. 5, "Functionalism and economic welfare", in Organizing mankind: An analysis of contemporary international organizations, Holbrook Press, Boston, 1972, pp. 153-211.          

               

Weiss, Thomas G., Forsythe, David P., and Coate, Roger A., Part III, "Building peace through sustainable development",  The United Nations and changing world politics, 2d ed., Westview, Boulder, Colo. USA, 1997, pp. 201-264.                        

 

Duffield, Mark, Global governance and the new wars: The merging of development and security, Zed, 2001.                                  


Brinkerhoff, Derick W., and Coston, Jennifer, M., "International development management in a globalized world", Public Administration Review, Vol. 59, No.4, July/August 1999, pp. 346-361.
                                                                                                 

Huddleston, Mark W., "Innocents abroad: Reflections from a public administration consultant in Bosnia", Public Administration Review, Vol. 59, No. 2, March/April 1999,  pp. 147-158.

                                                                                               

United Nations, World public sector report: Globalization and the state, Part II, Executive Summary, Division for Public Economics and Public Administration, New York,  2001.

                               
Stone, Diane, "The 'knowledge bank' and the Global Development Network", Global Governance 9(2003), 43-61.