|
|||||
|
UN Performance Problems UN Management Accountability Struggles Where is the Rule of Law? Inadequate UN Oversight Recent Developments
|
|
UN officials remain
comfortably outside the law
II
rule-without-law situation, 2005
ff.
The continuous dissatisfaction
with the poor rule of law situation within the UN, as embodied in the
three preceding areas on weak staff rights, internal justice defects, and
UN managers’ impunity and hidden punitive actions, finally reached a new
crescendo which began in 2005. Such dissatisfaction is not new at the
UN. At present, however,
there is much greater public agreement that, just maybe, something can and
certainly should be done to allow the UN and its staff to join the rest of
mankind under the rule of law.
The following brief sampling of
key, representative quotes from the IO Watch Archive, and especially its
Overview Quotes material on the home page, indicate the growing
recognition from February 2005 through November 2006 of the grave defects
that exist. "There is a culture of secrecy that characterizes
not only the World Bank, but most of the vital international organizations
-- including the United Nations.
Unless these public entities establish independent oversight,
external auditing of managerial and financial controls and safe channels
for reporting wrongdoing, scandalous harm will continue to weaken them and
only compound the grief suffered by the billions of needy people they are
mandated to serve." [An accountability expert,
February 2005] "The issues raised in the …
[Secretary-General's October 2004 report on internal justice] had been
raised by the [ACABQ] as far back as 1985. … The problems alluded to had
persisted over many years … The Committee takes this matter very seriously
as it has a significant impact on staff morale and productivity as well as
… [organizational efficiency] and could also have a significant financial
impact. … The Committee regrets that the
[report was late and
unresponsive] … The Committee has consistently
maintained over the years that the problems besetting the administration
of justice … involve much more than a perceived lack of resources; indeed,
at the core of the matter lie difficulties with administrative processes
and procedures and the culture of staff-management relations.” "[The General Assembly’s administrative advisory committee, emphasis added, February, 2005] "The United
Nations … has its own ways of dealing with whistle-blowers. Mostly, it fires them. …
Would-be U.N. whistle-blowers are
on perilous ground, as they have no legal right to defend themselves. 'All they can do is complain and
say the bully should be punished' said Tom Devine, legal director of the
Government Accountability Project … The United Nations, Devine says,
provides staff with fewer rights to defend themselves than 'any other
government agency I've encountered, either on the national or the
international level." [A
media investigation report, emphasis added, March 2005] "The United Nations Human Rights
Commission, the UN's principal forum for promoting human rights, opens its
annual six-week session today amid unprecedented criticism of its
competence and credibility. For years human rights groups have
complained of growing politicisation and double standards …
The authoritative high-level panel
on UN reform … last December said the reputation of the UN itself was
threatened by the commission's 'legitimacy deficit' and 'eroding
credibility and professionalism.'” [Article, March 2005] "The General Assembly
… "Stressing that the system of
justice in the United Nations as a whole should be independent,
transparent, effective, efficient and fair, … Regretting that the present system of
administration of justice in the Secretariat continues to be slow,
cumbersome, and costly; … Decides that the Secretary-General shall form a
panel of external and independent experts to consider redesigning the system of
administration of justice; [49.(a) … [and]
propose a new model for resolving
staff grievances … that is independent, transparent, effective, efficient
and adequately resourced and that ensures managerial
accountability; … [49c.] … while acknowledging … in
particular the immunity of United Nations staff from national laws and
thus the lack of recourse to national courts
…" [Resolution, emphasis added, of April 2005] "'Unprecedented challenges' faced
by the UN have shown that the world body must immediately
reform' … 'The UN must take real action now
… 'Perhaps
the most obvious shortcomings identified by the Volcker Inquiry and other
crises are in the area of oversight and accountability.
The current 'control' systems for monitoring management performance and
preventing fraud and corruption are insufficient and must be significantly
enhanced,' she
said." [UN
deputy secretary-general, emphasis added, May 2005]
"The main conclusions are
unambiguous. The [United Nations] requires stronger executive leadership,
thoroughgoing administrative reform, and more reliable controls and
auditing. … There
was corruption within the United Nations at a critical management
point. … The consequences? An
avoidable loss of assistance to Iraq's population and a grievous loss of
credibility to the United Nations. … There appears to be a
pervasive culture of responsibility avoidance and resistance to
accountability
…” [Volcker inquiry report on UN oil-for-food programme, emphasis
added, September 2005]
"The [General Assembly’s Fifth
Committee discussed] … the proposed framework on new contractual
arrangements within the United Nations. … Jamaica's representative, speaking
on behalf of the 'Group of 77' developing countries
and China … stated that the Group was prepared to consider the proposed
system of continuing, fixed-term and temporary contracts … but also
emphasized the importance of job security for staff members,
saying that it was vital to ensure impartiality, independence and
integrity of the staff." [UN
document, emphasis added, October 2005] "In a sense, the alleged irregularities in peacekeeping
procurement [recently reported], involving possible waste and fraud of up
to $300 [million], do more damage to the UN's reputation than the larger
abuse of the UN oil-for-food programme for Iraq. … The UN
Secretariat could rightly put some of the blame on the Security Council
[in oil-for-food] …The secretariat has no such plausible scapegoat in its
mismanagement of peacekeeping procurement." [Article, emphasis
added, January 2006] “A [new] report by the [US] Government Accountability
Office … describes the procurement office [that spent about $1.6 billion
last year] as understaffed, poorly trained and badly lacking the oversight
that would uncover corruption, fraud and waste. Eight senior staff
members were suspended with pay earlier this year … [They] likely have
diplomatic immunity, but [the UN's top manager] said Secretary-General
Kofi Annan would lift that protection if authorities request it. … 'U.N. resources are unnecessarily vulnerable to
mismanagement, waste, fraud and abuse', the GAO report says …” [Article on a major external expert report, emphasis added, April 2006] "The United Nations
was bracing itself [yesterday] for a potentially major budget crisis,
after the developing world rejected entreaties by rich countries and the
UN secretariat, and was expected to press ahead with a resolution many
fear could sink efforts to reform the organization. … At the heart of the showdown lay a power struggle for
control of the UN, between developing nations, which constitute the
majority of its membership, the developed world, which pays most of the
UN's bills, and the UN Secretariat, which wants more
autonomy." [Article, emphasis added, April 2006]
"Despairing of a [malfunctioning UN 'internal justice'] system …,
[UN staff member Cynthia] Brzak, who two years ago … [alleged] sexual
harassment, is now … [asking] for a hearing at the U.S. Supreme
Court. The pleadings highlight the fundamental problem that
senior U.N. officials enjoy the privileges of sovereign immunity, but
because the U.N. is not a sovereign state, they are spared the
accountability that tends to come … [in a democratic] national
government. Brzak alleges that
U.N. officials retaliated for her whistle-blowing by inflicting an array
of punishing measures … [and] includes the allegation, for example, that
[Secretary-General Kofi] 'Annan ignores the investigation report [in her
favor] and U. N. procedures, which is manifestly illegal.' [Article, emphasis added, May 2006] "The
General Assembly this afternoon adopted a resolution [which] …
highlighted … strengthened accountability in the
Organization and … ensuring greater accountability of the
Secretary-General to Member States. It requested the Secretary-General to specifically
define accountability, as well as clear accountability mechanisms, in the
context of a series of reports requested in the resolution,
and to propose clear parameters for its applications and instruments for its rigorous enforcement --
without exception -- at all levels." [UN document, emphasis added, May 2006]
"Secretary-General Kofi Annan himself is now instructing the U.S.
on how to treat the corruption-plagued, unreformed and unrepentant
U.N. If the US will only
[cooperate] … says Annan, everyone … can 'turn down their rhetoric' and
'engage in serious negotiations' which will be used 'as a basis for more
fundamental change,' which will happen 'later.' For Kofi Annan, of
course, there's not a lot of 'later' left. But there has been no major
reform. … The U.N.'s real problem today is … that one after
another, allegations of U.N. misconduct, mismanagement, conflicts of
interest, and corruption have turned out to be
true.” [Article by expert UN observer, emphasis added, June 2006] "Far from being a
beacon of justice to the countries of the world, the United Nations is 'in breach of its own human
rights standards because of the unfair way it treats its own
employees.' according to a … [new] report by an independent
panel … appointed after staffers repeatedly complained about abuse
by their superiors in the organization and the lack of accountable bodies
in which to air their grievances. [The panel head
described] … a system where everything is conducted 'under wraps and in
secret,'. …[and] said justice is all but impossible
for [UN] employees. The existing structure 'is a sclerotic
system that dates back to the League of Nations', he said …” [Report by experts for UN staff union, emphasis added, June 2006] "The United
Nations' efforts to seek justice for the 1999 atrocities in East Timor
were plagued by mistakes and missteps, abandoned prematurely, and have
contributed to the fragile state of the tiny country's fledgling
judiciary, according to [a detailed report by] a leading expert on
international war crimes tribunals … The report accuses the UN of a 'massive institutional
failure … to create a judicial enterprise worthy of the values and
standards that the United Nations represents.'" [Article on expert report, emphasis added, June 2006] “Failing seismic
amendments to the [UN] Charter, there is still a lot that can be done to
improve today's rather sorry state of affairs: … regarding standards when
applying … UN policies. They … also apply to the Secretary General's office itself; like Caesar's
wife, it has to be above suspicion, a house of rectitude, efficiency, and
fairness. … The Secretariat needs to have a record that is spotless and
unchallengeable." [An eminent
historian’s new book on the UN, emphasis added, June 2006] "Oil-for-Food has
had its first airing in [a US federal court in New York, and a South
Korean businessman was found guilty] … The U.N. itself
operates immune to any system of justice ... but at least … [its] location
puts within reach of the law some of the private players
who feed illicitly off the U.N. stew of money, secrecy, diplomatic
immunity, and privilege. … The jury saw …
[exhibits and heard witnesses questioned] in open court -- unlike the
[private interviews conducted] by Paul Volcker's secretive probe,
commissioned by the U.N. … We now have a verdict that begins to
cut through the massive haze that has surrounded the U.N. Oil-for-Food
scandal, in which, at the U.N. itself, not a
single official has even been fired, let alone required to face a
prosecutor in open court. “ [An expert observer of the UN, emphasis added, July 2006] "[A panel of
experts today made] recommendations for overhauling the … [United Nations'] system of internal justice …
[stating that] a 'fundamental overhaul' is needed for managerial
reform at the UN to succeed. … The current appeals
system 'doesn't work', said [Redesign Panel member
Diego Garcia-Sayan. … Another panel
member said the experts had found that staff members in the field
had 'no clue' about their rights, about internal justice. 'A
lot of frustrations, but nobody knows where to go, what to do.' … The … [current
system], the experts said … 'is costly, in terms of time, staff
dissatisfaction and the reputation of the Organization.'" "[Mr. Annan’s “independent panel”, emphasis added, July 2006: see also the staff union’s panel report, second June 2006 item above.] "The United Nations has failed to … [act on some] key
recommendations of an investigation into corruption in its oil-for-food
program in Iraq, …[Mark Pieth, one of three members of the inquiry
team, said in an interview.] … They're not really taking us seriously," he
said. … Volcker's probe … castigated top U.N. officials for
tolerating corruption and the Security Council for ignoring $11 billion in
smuggled oil and other illicit earnings outside the program … The inquiry also said the United Nations needed to
weed out and remove incompetent employees, but this has not been
done. 'Its very difficult, it goes against
the spirit of the institution, but that's what we are demanding,' Pieth
said. … [He also observed
that] some 500-1,000 cases mentioned in the Volcker Inquiry's final report
are clear-cut cases of corruption …" [Article, emphasis added, September, 2006] "As Annan now says he will
disclose, when and whether it will be to the public and why it took so
long go unasked", September 2006. "Kojo's Mercedes",
September 2006 “Mercedes mystery: More
awkward questions at the UN", November 2005. "UN admits to errors in
its report on destruction of Congolese village of Kazana, Safeguards not
in place", September 2006. "Annan family ties with
purchaser from Compass, embroiled in UN scandal, raise unanswered ethical
questions", August 2006. "It is against the
rules,
Does Annan have a 'dog in that fight'?", July 2006. "Kofi Annan's conflicts of
interest must be investigated", May 2006. "Old ties resurface in new
Annan project at U.N.", March 2006. [A very small sampling of investigative articles on the UN, 2006]
"[As the UN chooses
a new Secretary General] … we need someone who will be the un-Kofi … Two patterns … exemplify what is wrong with the
United Nations culture -- self-protection and
self-importance. … Failure during Kori
Annan's regime has been rewarded with promotions as long as the UN
insiders … protect the UN organization where they work from the real
consequences of each others' actions. The next
Secretary-General must be a role model, who has zero tolerance for
corruption, nepotism and mismanagement.” [Article, emphasis added, September 2006] "[An expanded UN
has failed to] … operate effectively or efficiently, [one expert says] …
'and part of that is because Kofi Annan has not been an
effective and efficient manager.' That view, widely
held among Annan admirers and detractors alike, has led many analysts to
conclude that what the UN needs most now … is a [strong] manager. … 'What is needed … is someone who is tremendously
focused on reforming a highly flawed institution', says another
expert.
… 'You
need someone who won't just preside over a deep well of corruption but
will dig in and do something about it.' [Article, emphasis added, September 2006] "In his book UN corruption 101, Edwin Nhliziyo lays bare the …
tales of rampant fraud, waste and abuse that he saw during the 22 years he
spent [at the UN.] Nhliziyo says graft
has been business as usual under Secretary-General Kofi Annan. … He knew
about the problems and he did nothing to stop it' … Rarely is anyone punished for misappropriating U.N.
funds, Nhliziyo said. 'If they catch you with the money, even
though they lost money, they don't know what to do with you," he
said.
… 'I love the UN,'
[he] said.
'You feel a sense of helplessness about an organization that can do
so much, but there's a frustration that no one does anything."
[A veteran UN
auditor, emphasis added, October 2006] "The UN-appointed … [$35 million Volcker Oil-for-Food
investigation led to no punishment or prosecution of a single UN staffer,
but] the US Attorney of the Southern District of New York … has had
somewhat different results. [They include the
indictment of a former UN commodity procurement head for swinging UN
contracts] to Indian companies; an indicted 44-member alleged
international narcotics-trafficking organization including a Somali UN
employee who used the UN diplomatic pouch to smuggle khat into the United
States; the indictment last September of the head of the UN General
Assembly budget oversight committee for money-laundering; and the guilty
plea of a former UN procurement official to conspiracy, wire fraud and
money laundering charges.] Is all this a sign
of a thorough cleanup at the UN? Or a mere sample of what lies beneath
the surface?
For the $5.3 billion or so the U.S. is now spending every year on
the UN … we deserve much clearer insights and answers than UN
'transparency' allows." [An expert UN
observer, emphasis added, November 2006] *
*
*
*
The preceding
four subsections of this last Black Holes analysis highlight the lengthy
struggles to establish the rule of law and accountability in United
Nations operations in the critical areas of staff rights, internal
justice, and impunity, especially during the last decade. As summarized
by two “benchmark” quotes from the 1980s versus three more from 2005-2006,
and as described in much more detail in the IO Watch archive subsections
on The UN Old Boys’ Last
Hurrah?, things have not gone well. “Many of the
[current] charges of [UN] waste, inefficiency, duplication, etc., are not
accurate … it will be necessary to refute these charges by clear evidence
to the contrary. … [The ACC]
recognizes its responsibility to improve the image of the United Nations
so as to reassure Governments and the general public that it is an
efficient and effective mechanism for dealing with the important issues of
concern to the international community." [UN system executive heads, 1982] “Article 97 of the Charter [confers on the
Secretary-General] … the responsibility for managing the organization.
… … Efficient
management of the staff should rest upon clear, coherent and transparent
rules and regulations … [which allow the UN] to … [meet] the highest
standards. …. The officials
responsible for the management of the staff [at all levels] must implement
these rules and regulations. Special responsibility … rests with the
senior managers. In this respect, the importance of
selecting high-level officials with the necessary management skills cannot be
over-emphasized." [High-level expert
group report, emphasis added, 1986] "The
main conclusions are unambiguous. The [United Nations] requires stronger executive
leadership, thoroughgoing administrative reform, and more reliable
controls and auditing. … There was exposure
of important administrative and control weaknesses … There
appears to be a pervasive culture of responsibility avoidance and
resistance to accountability; … and an absence of adequate and
independent control and auditing capacity." [The Volcker inquiry report, emphasis added, September 2005] "A radically expanded
range of activities calls for a radical overhaul of the United Nations
Secretariat -- its rules, structure, systems, and culture. Up to
now, that has not happened. … We have too few skilled managers … Our management system … lacks the capacity, controls, flexibility, robustness and indeed transparency [required] … Perhaps above all the management culture … has not changed significantly since at least the 1970s. Indeed, systems have continued to weaken as challenges have grown." [Secretary-General Annan, “Investing in the United Nations”, emphasis added, March 2006] "The
General Assembly … adopted resolutions on … the
Secretary-General's management reform proposals … [It] … highlighted the importance of strengthened accountability in the Organization and of ensuring greater accountability of the Secretary-General to Member States. It requested the Secretary-General to specifically define accountability, as well as clear accountability mechanisms … and to propose clear parameters for its applications and instruments for its rigorous enforcement -- without exception -- at all levels." [UN press release on a General Assembly Resolution, emphasis added, May 2006]
In fact, Mr.
Annan and his predecessors have failed by their own criteria to protect
and enhance the rule of law in the UN, as clearly enunciated in two
official commitments. "United Nations
staff members [especially managers in administration and finance] … are
required to report to senior management any inappropriate uses of [UN
resources].
… Ample provision exists [in the Staff Rules and Financial Rules]
for assigning personal responsibility … for any financial loss incurred
… The Secretary-General
attaches great importance to his fiduciary responsibility vis-à-vis Member
States for the prudent management of resources entrusted to the
Organization. Care is taken to ensure
that these resources are utilized for the purposes for which they were
provided, that they are spent with all due regard for economy and that
there is accountability at all stages for their use." [Secretary-General’s report on reporting
“inappropriate resource use”, emphasis added, 1992] "The jurisdictional immunity of the [United Nations]
legally obligates it to have just and effective internal
processes to deal with grievances and appeals by staff,
and with disciplinary cases … [as] an indispensable aid to maintaining staff
morale, as well as enforcing accountability." [ Secretary-General Annan’s report on the administration of justice, emphasis added, August 2000] This continuing failure to ensure fundamental human
rights and the rule of law in the UN Secretariat leaves its senior
officials, and the incoming secretary-general, in a very awkward position,
once again as eloquently described by Mr. Annan. “The United Nations
has a special stake, and a special responsibility, in promoting respect
for human rights worldwide … One of my priorities as
secretary general has been to try … [to make] human rights central to all
the UN’s work. … We must put an end to
impunity. … We must fight terrorism in conformity with
international law … [including] … the right to due process and the
judgement of a court. Once we adopt a policy of
making exemptions to these rules or excusing breaches of them, no matter
how narrow, we are on a slippery slope. … It is [the]
individual person whose rights must be preserved and respected. The task of
ensuring that that happens lies at the very heart of the UN’s
mission.” Kofi Annan, “Human
rights: We must do better”, International
Herald Tribune, December 9-10, 2006. [emphasis added] Current UN
operations, which continue to permit almost total impunity for senior
officials and make many exemptions to the UN rules for them, are of course
a grave flaw and undermine UN credibility. They lead to two frank and final
observations about the UN Secretariat’s current defective “rule without
law” situation, one scholarly, the other a “bare-knuckle, street-corner”
assessment. "One of the
fundamental concerns of the modern state is the manner in which power and
authority are wielded by those who govern in the name of pursuing societal
goals and objectives. … It is obvious that the more society is
administered, the more power is concentrated in the hands of ministers and
public servants. Generally, public
officials and their organizations are considered accountable only to the
extent that they are legally required to answer for their actions. … Within [a global
context of public concern and political responsibility] … public
accountability is] … a [broader] strategy to secure compliance with
accepted standards and as a means to minimize the abuse of power and
authority.” Joseph G.
Jabbra
and O. P. Dwivedi, eds., Public service
accountability: A comparative perspective, Kumarian, West Hartford, CN
(USA), 1989, pp. 1, 5. [emphasis added.] “Life is a game with many rules but no referees. One learns
how to play it more by watching it than by consulting any book. … Small
wonder, then, that so many play dirty, that so few win, that so many
lose." Joseph Brodsky, in On grief
and reason: Essays, as quoted in the introduction to a set of Fletcher Forum of World Affairs articles on the
evolving architecture of world law, Summer/Fall 2002. It is long past
time for the UN to establish the rule of law to permit UN accountability,
and to establish some real referees to enforce the rules. Even if the
UN can never successfully act as the “moral conscience” of the world as it
often purports to do, it can at least finally put an end to its own poor
record in applying the rule of law. Thankfully, there are at least some small new cracks
in the UN “rule without law” structure. More importantly, there are “doable”
and already-existing corrective actions that can be taken. IO Watch
wishes to conclude with a summary of these hopeful possibilities in the
staff rights, “internal justice”, and impunity areas. First, STAFF RIGHTS, the area of most consistent abuse, seems almost to
have disappeared from view in the Secretariat at present, in terms of a
meaningful code of conduct, firm mechanisms to monitor and protect those
rights, and efforts to avoid new dangers. This should not be. An OECD paper
discusses the following steps for developing public trust in
institutions.
?
“Defining a clear mission for the public
service. … ?
Safeguarding values
while adapting to change. … ?
Empowering both public
servants and citizens to report misconduct. …The following
steps are necessary to build a consistent system of supportive
mechanisms … ?
Communicate and inculcate core values …and
ethical standards ?
[Prevent] … situations prone to conflict of
interest and [reward] high standards of conduct … ?
Monitor compliance and
report, detect and discipline wrongdoing." "Annex I”,. In
Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, Public sector transparency and accountability: Making
it happen, OECD, Paris, 2002, pp. 193-194. [emphasis
added]
As discussed in
subsections A and D preceding, the UN has failed to establish anything
resembling the above set of essential processes to ensure public
trust. A
very reasonable and eloquent 50-year old code of conduct was replaced in
1998 with a heavy-handed new Code of Conduct, which legal experts have
sharply criticized for emphasizing obligations while omitting fundamental
rights.
Staff groups have, in fact, called for a proper “Code of Labor
Ethics” for the entire UN system, for the UN to apply its own conventions
on such fundamental matters as collective bargaining, for something
resembling national labor laws, and indeed for application of the UN’s
human rights principles as included in its “Global Compact” for
multinational corporations – but ignored in its own operations..
Just in the past
few years, the General Assembly has firmly admonished the
Secretary-General to ensure that his administrative issuances comply fully
with relevant Assembly resolutions, especially on managerial
accountability and sanctions. The worldwide UN staff survey on integrity
matters found that staff consider the Staff Rules to be a useless and
ignored “phone book” of admonishments. And the UN staff union has deplored the
erosion of staff rights as part of Mr. Annan’s aggressive management
reform efforts.
In late 2005, in
the face of these criticisms and the Volcker report, the Secretariat
itself acknowledged that its Code of Conduct has not been well
disseminated and must be made more accessible and clear. In addition, in
the course of the last decade, severe criticisms of the closely-related
processes of poor internal justice and failure to curb managerial impunity
have continued to mount (as discussed in the second and third corrective
areas below.)
IO Watch believes that all
these negative developments indicate the need to revise the Code of
Conduct to reflect staff rights, in close consultation with the staff and
the General Assembly. Almost a decade after the fact of a
defective code issued in 1998, such a revision is needed anyway, as
discussed further in the Archives subsection on Revision of the code of
conduct. In addition,
however, as the excellent OECD analysis above notes, steps for building
trust in an organization must also safeguard values while adapting to
change, and this has now become a particularly important issue. In late
2006, Mr. Annan ended his flurry of UN management reform attempts (1997,
2002, and a patchwork effort in 2005 after the Volcker report), with a
final set of very major and “radical changes” in UN operations. They include
fundamental reforms in UN human resources management, contractual
relations, and conditions of staff service, to establish a UN that is more
flexible, professional, and fit for its vastly-increased and worldwide
field operations. These human
resources reforms, as laid out in Mr. Annan’s “Investing in the United
Nations” report of March 2006, and especially in two more detailed reports
of August 2006, contain many sensible and overdue operational changes.
However, their sweeping nature also includes some disturbing and radical
changes which cast an ominous cloud over UN staff rights. This in turn
revives fears of the dark days of the “purge” of UN staff in the 1950’s,
leading to the deterioration of UN staff rights which has continued ever
since.
That 1950s disruption, and current warnings, from the “Group of
77” developing countries, the staff, and experts criticizing the defective
UN internal justice system (but nothing from the Group B developed
countries) highlight the hazards of this new course. [Note: A very useful overview of these proposed changes, their merits, and their troubling aspects can be found in an assessment by the General Assembly’s advisory committee in October 2006: “Human resources management: Report of the [ACABQ]”, UN document A/61/537 of 26 October 2006, available at www.un.org/documents, 61st session, under the “A” number.]
"[Secret political screening of US staff at the
UN was] … the ascertainable point at which … [the UN
Secretariat] conclusively delivered itself into the hands of
national interest … in direct violation of the [UN Charter insistence on]
a scrupulous independence from national pressures. … Staff
representatives who [spoke out] … were among the earliest and least
ceremonious departures … accompanied by intimidating and abusive
statements from the administration to those remaining. … … Each
department had its informers, and its victims. The
total of United Nations employees affected … undoubtedly runs into the
hundreds … [but is difficult to determine] … since employees were
permitted to resign with extra indemnities, … [or in] terminations
disguised as 'economies,' or … deportations to the field, or careers
shunted [permanently] into sidings … [or] a secret
blacklisting
…” [Article on
the UN in 1949, from an expert observer, emphasis added, 1973. Note:
Present-day UN managerial “dirty tricks” versus staff are discussed in the
IO Watch Archives subsection on Staff Self-defense.] "The Fifth
Committee (Administrative and Budgetary) … [continued to discuss] the
proposed framework on new contractual arrangements within the United
Nations. … Jamaica's
representative, speaking on behalf of the 'Group of 77'
developing countries and China … stated that the Group was prepared to
consider the proposed system of continuing, fixed-term and temporary
contracts … but also emphasized the importance of job security for staff
members, saying that it was vital to ensure impartiality, independence and
integrity of the staff." [UN document,
emphasis added, October 2005] “The
UN Staff Union overwhelmingly voted no confidence in Secretary-General
Kofi Annan Thursday over his proposal to radically overhaul
U.N. operations. … The
disappearance of permanent appointments and a new policy on job mobility
without job security implied a ‘fundamental attack against the
international civil service,’ it said. The resolution said ‘in the future, all
staff may be at risk’.” [Article, emphasis added, March 2006] "Far from being a
beacon of justice to the countries of the world, the United Nations is 'in breach of its own human
rights standards because of the unfair way it treats its own
employees.' … [The panel head] …]
said justice is all but impossible for [UN]
employees.” [Report by
experts for UN staff union, emphasis added, June 2006] As part of his radical change proposals of 2006 for “an ethical and accountable culture” at the UN in accord with “the high ideals of its Charter” and “seeking to set an example” for countries around the world, Mr. Annan proposed a hodgepodge of further changes. A small Ombudsman office already exists, and Mr. Annan established a rather vague but enthusiastic Ethics office; strengthened rules to (purportedly) protect whistleblowers, disclose financial interests of senior officials, and develop (vague) new measures to detect and prevent fraud and corruption; and various other new management committees and processes (a routine also carried out in previous UN management reform efforts, to little or no effect). & | |||