-----------------------







-----------------------

Archive Introduction


UN Performance Problems

UN Management Accountability Struggles


Where is the Rule of Law?

Inadequate UN Oversight

Recent Developments

 
  

 

 


Black Holes 2                 

                                                                                                              

 

Whistle-blowers?    What whistle-blowers?

 

 

As discussed in Black Holes 1, the UN's cover-up of corruption has been hard to maintain, despite the Secretariat's continual and determined efforts.  The General Assembly's persistent emphasis on management accountability; ongoing (and recently expanding) UN corruption problems; extensive media coverage (especially in the Internet age); and increasing global recognition of corruption and its pervasive and damaging effects have all kept the issue alive.

 

In contrast, the Secretariat's effort to cover up UN whistle-blowing, and whistle-blowers, has been an almost total success.  From the time that the General Assembly specifically called for encouraging and firmly protecting them in 1994 -- despite strong Secretariat objections -- whistleblowers were simply kept invisible until an "Integrity Survey" of UN staff suddenly revived the issue in 2004 and a major UN procurement scandal appeared in 2005.

 

As discussed under "Corruption cover-up", the General Assembly pressed hard at the end of the 1980s for more accountability and strengthened internal controls and audit.  It also called for a confidential mechanism for staff to report misconduct (hereinafter referred to as whistle-blowing).  The Secretariat argued that whistle-blower efforts worldwide were patchy, staff could not be protected, and there would be burdensome due process and fairness difficulties.  It then concluded that the existing rules could handle misconduct.  However, after new reports on major flaws in UN anti-corruption efforts in 1993, the General Assembly called for new "transparent and effective" management accountability processes by January 1995.  In 2004 it also established what became the unified Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS), with a new investigations unit to, inter alia, receive confidential whistle-blower reports.

                                                           

The Assembly's push for such whistle-blowing processes was, in fact, in tune with worldwide developments  as shown by three expert quotes in 2001-2002 and a 2004 quote from a worldwide survey on global anti-fraud trends:   

 

"As the international community is increasingly recognizing, employees (especially public employees) are an invaluable source of information about official corruption.  … Whistleblower protection laws are intended to make it safe for employees to disclose misconduct that they discover during the course of their employment. ….

Statutory protection for whistleblowers is only part of the equation, albeit an important part.  Cultural change and top down support must accompany whistleblower protection laws in order for them to achieve their objectives."

 

 

"Even when … systemic requirements [for fighting corruption] are well satisfied on paper, they will not be effective unless enforced.  Fully effective enforcement requires:

?         an independent and competent judiciary

?         adequate prosecutorial capabilities

?         whistle blower protections …"

 

 

"Reporting misconduct by public servants is either required by law and/or facilitated by organizational rules in two-thirds of OECD countries.  A growing need to protect whistleblowers in the public service is also visible across OECD countries. … the most commonly provided safeguards are legal protection and anonymity."

           

                                   

"What works [to combat corruption]

FACTOR       RANK

Internal controls            1 

Whistle-blowing            2

Internal audit                3

Management review      4

Accident                      5

External audit               6"

                                                                                   

The new UN whistle-blower system was actually launched with an excellent set of policies, procedures, and protections.  The detailed guidance is still readily available: please see the following documents at the OIOS website, www.un.org/depts./oios, under "About us", "Mandate":

 

-- the 1994 General Assembly resolution establishing the OIOS specifically requested the Secretary-General to ensure confidential reporting and protection for staff reporting misconduct, and called on him to include these procedures in the UN staff rules  (at "48/218 B", paras. 6-7);

-- an official Secretary-General's Bulletin in 1994 detailed whistle-blower procedures and protections, including staff rights, confidentiality, fairness, and due process (at "ST/SGB/273", para. 18)  ;

--  an administrative instruction of 1994 encouraged UN staff to submit reports of negligence or rule violations, and then a 1996 information bulletin elaborated on investigations of "mismanagement, misconduct, waste of resources, and abuse of authority" with careful definitions of misconduct and unsatisfactory performance (at "ST/AI/397" and "ST/IC/1996/29"). 


 

Despite this very promising policy start, however, the actual UN whistle-blowing process stumbled severely.  The first head of the OIOS, Mr. Karl-Theodor Pashke, was "curiously laid back", initially contemptuous of anonymous reports (until reminded it was his job to protect such reporting), and decided that "fraud was not the main concern of the OIOS."  He subsequently had to deny to a General Assembly committee in 1996 that he would ever discriminate against a whistle-blower [although he did], and media articles reported doubts about his commitment to "fraud fighting" and whistle-blower protection.  The five observations below capture the considerable, long-standing staff skepticism that exists on this topic:

 

"Any staff member who criticizes his boss on the record has destroyed his UN career prospects."   (A senior UN official in the late 1980s, informally advising a diplomat at a UN mission)

 

"No senior UN official will ever be punished unless he is caught with his hand flagrantly in the financial cookie jar, or in an abusive sexual act,  and even then only if those actions have appeared in, or might appear in, the press"   (A veteran UN administrative insider in New York in the mid-1990s)

 

"Time and time again, when journalists have exposed scandals in the UN, senior officials have set up an enquiry -- into who leaked!"  (A long-time observer of UN operations and culture, in 1995)

 

 "There are whispers that senior staff need not fear their peccadilloes will be exposed.  "Paschke's Finest", it is said, will rake no muck above a certain level of political or bureaucratic influence."  (A news article, in 1996)

 

"UN employees -- who request anonymity because they fear they will suffer more professional harm than the corrupt officials they want to expose -- have provided numerous accounts of officials' being transferred rather than dismissed after being caught breaking the rules.

This happens frequently in cases of sexual harassment, nepotism, and occasionally violence, according to these accounts.  Whistle-blowers are neither encouraged nor rewarded."     (A news article, in late 1997)

                                                                       

The new OIOS investigations unit was equally weak, starting work very slowly and remaining consistently understaffed. Further, its whistle-blowing work disappeared, because the unit never reported on the results and accomplishments. Signs, however, were discouraging.  The unit piled up a very large backlog of such reports; dismissed many of them out-of-hand at "personal matters" which it casually passed on to the personnel office to "deal with"; judged that many others provided "insufficient evidence"; suggested that staff go instead to the UN's very inept "internal justice" system; or, worst of all, sent some reports back to the staff members' units as "internal matters" for the managers to "handle."  Many staff also knew of friends who submitted serious whistle-blower reports, but never received any response.   

                                                                       

After a splashy media report on "an unprecedented wave of [UN] waste, fraud, and  corruption" in 2000 and 22 cases were sent to national courts for criminal prosecution, even details on general OIOS investigative activities suddenly evaporated.  IO Watch has analyzed the OIOS reports of the past dozen years.  It found no reports of a whistle-blower who succeeded, no one recognized for his or her efforts, and only one report on a possible case of retaliation against a whistle-blower.  There were also no statistics on whistle-blower reports and results overall. 

 

In contrast, in 1998 Mr. Paschke highlighted a manager whom OIOS vindicated of serious misconduct as a "valuable service" of the OIOS, i.e., protecting individuals who have been wrongly accused (the whistle-blower concerned was fired.). Thereafter, even Mr. Paschke, and his successor Mr. Dileep Nair, fell silent on whistle-blowing matters, while the UN top leadership, including Mr. Annan, seem never, ever to have mentioned the issue during that first decade.

                                                                                   

However, two significant events did occur in the late 1990s. First, the UN had had an excellent code of staff conduct, emphasizing both rights and duties, since 1954.  In 1998, however, it was updated and replaced with a new Code of Conduct.  The new code was very strong on staff obligations and very weak on staff rights and due process. It also totally ignored the strong 1994 rights and protections for whistle-blowers established by the General Assembly and the Secretary-General, but did include a firm instruction to staff to cooperate fully with "staff members and other officials" investigating corruption and misconduct. This gradually came to include not only OIOS professionals, but UN managers, UN security guards, and assorted others (see Black Holes 4 on "Free the [incompetent] managers" for more on these "Inspector Clouseaus.")

                                                                       

Second, the General Assembly did not give up on whistle-blowing issues, at least until after the new millennium arrived.  It expressed continuing strong concern about fraud and a lack of sanctions for managerial misconduct. In 1999 it debated a very unusual draft resolution that "encouraged" the Secretary-General to ensure that UN auditors were promptly protected from any reprisals, and in 2000 it formally stressed that the Secretary-General should protect the rights of whistle-blowers -- both clear signs that the Assembly realized that something was very wrong behind the scenes.

                                                                       

UN whistle-blowing then disappeared for several years, only to return with a bang in mid-2004.  A survey of staff integrity produced surprisingly negative comments on UN leadership and the management culture, also tied directly to the issue of whistle-blowing.  The following four quotes show the general tenor of the survey results, specific attitudes toward whistle-blowing, the (first-ever) thoughts of Secretary-General Annan on whistle-blowing and the survey results, and a sharp assessment by an expert observer of the Secretariat leadership games being played.

 

"A new survey  of  [UN integrity]  has found that while structures for reporting and combatting  corruption exist, most staff members are either unaware of how to use them or afraid to do so for  fear of  high-level retaliation.

Its most negative findings have to do with ingrown leadership and the lack of response to reports of corruption.

'Get rid of the old boy network,' one staff member [says.]  'That network is wide, tenacious and powerful.  So long as you can wind your way into that network, you are OK. … Opposing the network is certainly the end of a UN career.'"

"[The Integrity Survey report states]

Provide a Safe Milieu

Staff members feel unprotected from reprisals for reporting violations of the codes of conduct.  This is not a perception confined to a few staff in remote locales and/or dangerous circumstances.  Forty-six percent (46%) gave unfavourable response to this item, while only 12% gave favourable responses.  The causes of this perception have at least two sources: experience and/or mistrust." 


 

"[Secretary-General Annan stated that] Staff voice concern about the consequences of 'whistle-blowing' or reporting on misconduct, and uncertainty about the mechanisms for such reporting. …  We will inform all staff about the means available to them for reporting on suspected misconduct.  We will also develop measures to reinforce formal protection for whistle-blowers, while ensuring that they are not used to cloak false accusations."

                                                                       

 

"Having [found] … that Secretariat staff don't trust the top management and are afraid to speak out for fear of reprisals, Mr. Annan's response will be to convene a group of top managers and invite staff members to speak out. …

Does anyone see a problem here?

The basic flaws are simple: Anytime you create a large institution, accord it great privileges of secrecy, give it a big budget and have it run immune from any sane standard of accountability, you are likely to get a corrupt organization.

… The problem with the Secretariat isn't 'tone' at the top.  It's accountability at the top and secrecy throughout. … "

In March 2005, a strange new UN staff circular said that staff could report suspected misconduct to senior managers, OIOS, the personnel office, the Ombudsman, the Staff Counselor, the Panel of Counsel, the Focal Point for Women, and staff groups (it did not mention cashiers in the UN cafeterias.)  In August 2005, the Secretary-General proudly announced that the OIOS was assisting in drafting the UN's "first whistle-blower protection policy", (ignoring the General Assembly's excellent 1994 policy available to anyone on the OIOS website.) Mr. Annan also announced that a new Ethics Office would handle reports of reprisals against staff whistle-blowers and witnesses. The UN's new top manager stated in late 2005 that the UN did not have a functioning whistle-blower policy, but would now "foster a new UN culture," and in January 2006 he repeatedly praised the "courageous" UN whistle-blowers who were coming forward in a burgeoning UN procurement scandal.  In early 2006 the UN also issued its new anti-retaliation policy for whistle-blower protection, which was highly praised.  IO Watch will try to keep up with all these new cross currents, as and when they sort themselves out.

                       

Meanwhile, the oil-for-food scandal investigations, and the passage of time, were finally bringing out stories of staff severely punished for whistle-blowing.  Because so much is hidden, IO Watch offers a "chain" of quotes on whistle-blowing instances since 2002, (see Overview Quotes in the "Interested in more details?" text box at the end of this subsection.)  However, three instances in 2004-2005 testify to the severe damage done to UN staff who tried to act with integrity on matters of corruption and misconduct within the Organization.

 

"[In 1997 three UN staff became whistle-blowers reporting corruption at the UN war crimes tribunal in Rwanda. …

They all lost their jobs, unfairly, because they complained … [even though OIOS investigated and issued a damning report.] …

Sirois … was unemployed for four years as he tried to clear his name. …  Lacoste left Arusha shattered and dismayed.  She … had lost four years' income.  [Goddard] …  was initially out of work for nine months … and said his reputation as a chartered accountant [had] been damaged.

 All three of these highly qualified people who tried to right wrongs only to lose faith in the U.N. justice system now praise the [UN] Administrative Tribunal for its handling of their cases in the end.  But why did it have to take so long and at such terrible human neglect all the way to the top?  And will they ever be repaid for their losses?"


 

"Two lawyers for U.N. whistle-blowers urged the United Nations on Wednesday to protect staffers who want to disclose corruption at the world body, including the oil-for-food program for Iraq.

One of the lawyers said 'five or six' U.N. employees including a high-level employee had contacted him for advice on how to reveal evidence of wrongdoing in [that] … programme without jeopardizing their careers. …

But based on his advice, none of [them] … have gone public, he said.  'I know them. They won't.  They are very quiet and under a lot of stress.' …

While U.N. rules call for wrongdoers to be punished, they do nothing to shield staff members from reprisals when they come forward with evidence … [the lawyers]said.

'There is irreparable harm when freedom of speech is canceled, irreparable harm to the institution,' [one] said.  'The message is, 'Do not say anything to investigators.'"

                                                                       

 

"The United Nations … has its own ways of dealing with whistle-blowers.  Mostly, it fires them. … And although a supervisor's retaliation for whistle-blowing is officially prohibited under U.N. rules, enforcement comes only in the form of penalties against the offending supervisor [Note: if at all] -- not job reinstatement for the whistle-blower. …

Recent whistle-blowers interviewed by the National Journal suffered [the loss of their jobs.] …

Would-be U.N. whistle-blowers are on perilous ground, as they have no legal right to defend themselves.  'All they can do is complain and say the bully should be punished' said Tom Devine, legal director of the Government Accountability Project … The United Nations, Devine says, provides staff with fewer rights to defend themselves than 'any other government agency I've encountered, either on the national or the international level."

 

 

*       *        *        *

 

 

 

In sum, the UN Secretariat has, for once, delivered on a performance promise, but in this case a negative one.  It argued in 1992 that a confidential whistle-blowing arrangement would not work in the UN, and so far it has made that dire prediction come true.  Even after the Integrity Survey results and the procurement scandals revived the issue in 2004-2005, the new Secretariat whistle-blower policy, however excellent, is still only words.  There is much unfinished business that must be addressed both to clean up the UN's whistle-blowing process and the surrounding pervasive and hostile culture.

 

IO Watch knows of many UN staff who suffered under the post-1994 Secretariat failure to properly implement w-blower reporting and to protect them for reporting misconduct in good faith. It believes that whistle-blowing (as the rest of the world knows, but not the UN) is a critically important way of combating corruption in an organization.

 

Regrettably, however, the poor UN management culture remains very strong, despite the promised revival of UN whistle-blower protection policy in 2006, and whistle-blower protection is always an inherently challenging process to implement.  Therefore IO Watch would caution would-be UN whistle-blowers to think twice about sticking their necks out and jeopardizing their careers, until there are clear signs that the following critical areas are being corrected.

 

1.             The "Group of 18" recommendations in 1986, which kicked off the "modern era" of UN management reforms, emphasized that efficient UN staff management must rest on clear, coherent and transparent rules and regulations, with special responsibility for a healthy work climate resting on every manager and, above all, with senior managers.  When it comes to whistle-blowing rules, however, Secretary-General Annan and his senior managers selectively promulgated the rules in 1998, and have never corrected them. 

 

In 1999 the UN replaced its old code of conduct with a new one. However, the General Assembly and staff were concerned at the draft code's heavy-handed emphasis on obligations, lack of emphasis on managers' higher responsibilities and level of accountability, and limited consultation on its contents as it was pushed through to approval and issuance.  The new code itself included a new regulation which Mr. Annan and his legal office proceeded to ignore, namely his own specific duty to ensure that staff rights, not just duties, are respected:

 

"Regulation 1.1 (c)
                        The  Secretary-General shall ensure that the rights and duties of staff members as set 
            out in  the  Charter and  the Staff  Regulations and Rules  and  in  the  relevant  resolutions and
            decisions of the General Assembly are respected.”

            [In addition, the General Assembly, in a further resolution (59/266) in December 2004, stated 
            that:

"… all administrative issuances of the Secretary-General related to the implementation of its resolutions and decisions shall be in full compliance with such resolutions and shall be reported to the General Assembly in conformity with the established regulations, rules and practices."]

                       

The 1994 General Assembly resolution on whistle-blowers had specifically called on the Secretary-General to ensure that procedures are in effect that provide protection against repercussions and protect individual rights, and also to ensure that any necessary amendments were included in the UN Staff Rules and Regulations. Yet Mr. Annan and his legal office excluded from the new 1999 code the careful due process rights and protections that the General Assembly had specified (and the related Secretary-General's Bulletin which expanded on them.)  The UN leadership  might argue that this was just an unfortunate oversight, but this is belied by the fact that their new Code did include a tough statement of staff obligations not even mentioned in 1994, namely that staff must cooperate fully with "staff members and other officials" authorized to investigate fraud, waste, and abuse.

                                                                         

Three actions are needed to rectify this highly improper action.  First, the 1994 General Assembly guidance should be added to the UN Staff Regulations and Rules as soon as possible (for instance, along with planned new rules to cope with the UN procurement mess).  The new 2006 whistle-blower protection policy can be added too, if it is carefully harmonized with the 1994 guidance so as not to dilute it.

 

Second, the General Assembly might wish to express its displeasure at the Secretary-General's selective approach to revisions and updates of staff rules, and to check rules revisions much more carefully in the future to see that such abuses do not reoccur. 

 

Third, Mr. Annan and his legal office should be sanctioned for their serious failure of due diligence in revising the rules in 1998. They should also be publicly shamed for the severe damage they inflicted on the careers of UN staff who reported corruption and misconduct as they were invited to do over the 1994-2005 period, but were provided no clear staff rules to protect them and suffered accordingly.

 

Secretary-General Annan will probably say, as he did on the Iraq oil-for-food programme, that he "did not know" of the events, and was "very busy elsewhere."  But the GA stressed in a May 2006 resolution the need for greater accountability of the Secretary-General himself, and for "instruments for "rigorous enforcement" of accountability, "without exception -- at all levels."  Mr. Annan's traditional "chief executive" excuses do not wash anymore.  As one legal expert said wisely, after the top officials of the scandal-ridden Enron corporation were convicted in the US for fraud, conspiracy, and false statements in the summer of 2006,

 

 "you can delegate responsibility, but you can't escape it."

                                                           

2.            The UN could kill two birds with one stone by combining the Secretariat's newly-professed desire to outsource certain functions with avoidance of amateurish confidential reporting processes in the many UN  offices now available to receive staff misconduct reports. 

                                                           

The Association of Certified Fraud Examiners, at www.acfe.com, under "Fraud Resource Center," has for 25 years provided a highly-professional, confidential, tollfree hotline for hundreds of public and private organizations, operating 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, in 150 languages.  Outsourcing confidential UN staff reporting to this EthicsLine would undoubtedly cost less, be more efficient, and avoid the staff mistrust of OIOS and free its understaffed investigators for other priority work.  It would also be far more reliable than the new Ethics Office or any other UN office in ensuring that the requisite legal/investigative skills exist for the very important task of processing (and protecting) confidential staff reports of UN fraud and misconduct allegations.

 

3.  Any discussion of confidential reporting of fraud and misconduct by UN staff must consider the impunity and weakness of the UN management culture.  Making a whistle-blower report is not just a matter of submitting a report followed by, at worst, a "Sorry, insufficient evidence, but thanks for trying."  In fact, it is quite the opposite.  Several subsections of this website (see the following text box, first item) discuss in detail the long-standing problems of UN staff suffering under incompetent or abusive UN managers.  The expert comment in 2005 that UN staff have fewer rights to defend themselves than 'any other government agency I've encountered, either on the national or the international level" are true.  In the UN's impunity culture (derived from its diplomatic immunity) managers so inclined have many subtle ways to harass, embarrass, or punish staff without fear of being sanctioned.

                                                                       

Whistle-blowers are particularly at risk.  They almost always report on wrongdoing and misconduct which they know, that is, in their own unit.  Even when (or if) the OIOS follows up with a discreet examination in that work unit, the topic helps the manager figure out who is responsible, and to apply unpleasant consequences accordingly and freely.

 

The only process available in such situations, the Secretariat's "internal justice" system, is thoroughly dominated by the UN Administration.  For two decades the General Assembly and staff have sought an "independent, transparent, effective, efficient and fair" system, but without success.  The head of an expert panel commissioned by the UN staff union in June 2006 concluded bluntly that that the Secretariat system  was one where everything was conducted "under wraps and in secret", and that "justice is all but impossible for UN employees." 

                                               

When forced to seek justice in this system, harassed and/or punished whistle-blowers know in advance that the manager involved will never be sanctioned, that any adverse administrative decision that has been imposed on them will never be reversed, that the system seems especially blind to "abuse and harassment" cases, and that they must spend four or five years pursuing an appeal with little due process, many delays, and at the end -- at best -- the receipt of several thousand dollars for all the disruption, distraction, stress, and paperwork-shuffling  they suffered along the way.  

 

4.  Shamed by the Integrity Survey results, the Secretariat is developing a rather disorderly set of prescriptions for improvement, which must be carefully considered as they are made more clear. The Ethics Office seems overstaffed, and their responsibilities and professional capacities are still quite unclear. Ethics awareness is certainly necessary as part of an anti-corruption strategy, but hardly sufficient. The UN's poor or abusive managers fear knowledgeable whistle-blower reports, but will let the ethics people talk all they want.  As Groucho Marx once said, "The secret to life is honesty and fair dealing.  If you can fake that, you've got it made." 

 

It is also important that Member States carefully examine the detailed content of the many new whistle-blowing policy, and related initiatives and actions, which the Secretariat, with its past failures and many self-serving axes to grind, has now laid out in 2006.  They must be assessed against the excellent, tight, and sound guidance which the General Assembly specified in 1994 for the whistle-blowing process (see again resolution 48/218 B, paras. 6-7, and ST/SGB/273, para. 18, via "Relevant websites", OIOS, in the text box.)

 

5.  The Integrity Survey report of 2004, observing decisive UN staff mistrust of the whistle-blowing process, concluded that

 

"The basis for these … [staff perceptions and mistrust of the whistle-blowing process] has got to be determined and remediation must be made. …"

                                                                                               

Secretary-General Annan, as usual, set the tone by promising future change but never looking back.  Of course, the senior leadership does not want to expose the reprisals taken and especially not the remediation (since there was none.) The Secretariat is thus setting up a tabula resa on whistle-blowing in 2006, to ignore the whistle-blowing debacle of the past decade. 

 

An interesting article on "restorative justice" (see "Key sources …" in the boxed text), and the work of Truth Commissions in various countries, deal with the all-important issue of  "looking back".  Under lessons learned, the article cites the need to gather interviews and testimonials from the punished and record the abuses in a written record, provide recognition (at least) for suffering, contribute to a healing process, and establish a history of those abuses so that in future they cannot be denied. 

                                                           

To strengthen UN whistle-blowing while not erasing the past, the General Assembly should create an independent panel of experts to examine and assess the very defective past UN whistle-blowing experience since 1994.  Such a public report is important not only for the above-stated reasons, but because many of the abusive managers, senior administration officials (acting "in the name of" the Secretary-General), the legal office (see again item 1. above) and the administrators of the inept "internal justice" system are still on the scene, unshamed.  A panel review could lead to their sanction or at least reassignment elsewhere, and sharply check the Secretariat's undoubted inclination to continue on as before. It could also put Member States on notice about subtle ways in which the Secretariat "human resources" and legal apparatus may seek to subvert the rights of whistle-blowers in the future.  

 

6.            An important anti-corruption weapon like whistle-blowing should not be hidden away, as the Secretariat leadership did for a decade until the Integrity Survey results revealed the deep staff mistrust of the process.  The General Assembly should firmly insist that annual Secretary-General's reports on a real anti-fraud programme must include whistle-blowing activity and results: including any and all units involved in the process, how many reports made, in what categories, from what parts of the organization, how disposed of including how many and why rejected, backlogs, how many successes and with what results, how many retaliations and actions taken, and other patterns. 

 

Whistle-blowing suppressed as at present will never achieve anything.  But if it is made visible through transparent and regular reporting, and given priority and firm support by top management, it can greatly help the Secretariat to better use the $9 billion it receives yearly. Protected whistle-blowing certainly could have alleviated much of the waste and mismanagement in the UN's recent Iraq oil-for-food  and ongoing procurement scandals.

 

7.            As already discussed, there have been many sanctions, some very severe, imposed on UN whistle-blowers.  The UN has otherwise always been very weak on sanctions in general, and on rewards as well.  If staff members were rewarded by a small percentage amount of any cost savings which their reports of waste, fraud or misconduct uncover (as is done in various organizations in some countries), they would have a very solid further incentive to act.  This would certainly be better than the current process where they put their integrity and careers on the line by reporting misconduct, only to then see their lives too often trampled by unchecked retaliation from UN senior management and the feeble "internal justice" processes.

 

Finally, the above actions, if taken (and if is a crucial word in UN management reform), could bring to life the proposal made by two prestigious UN observers more than a decade ago.  Although stifled ever since, its implementation could do much to help the UN more wisely and accountably use the large resources entrusted to it by Member States.

 

"The debilitating atmosphere and the rise of cronyism have sapped staff confidence in justice within secretariats.  Even peer appeal boards lack full trust because no staff member seeking redress can feel confident any longer that he or she may not be intimidated.  This state of affairs has been well known. …

 [There should be] a proper resort system whereby staff can report malfeasance without fear, staff seeking redress can have proper counsel, and all staff can have the requisite measure of protection from imperious behavior by poorly-chosen superiors. …"

Erskine Childers, with Brian Urquhart, "Renewing the United Nations

System", 1994, pp. 169-170. [emphasis added.]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Interested in more details?

 

IO Watch Archive subsections

                In general, see Disappearing Whistle-blowers and Suppressed Whistle-Blowers.

                On non-inclusion of whistle-blower rights and protections in the UN Staff Rules and Code of Conduct see UN Code of Conduct and Revision of the Code of Conduct.

                On the hazards to, and harassment of, whistle-blowers and other staff, see Inept "Administration of Justice" System, Behind the Scenes, Outmoded internal justice system, and The most serious loopholes.

                On ways in which UN staff can defend themselves against the above, see Staff Self-defense.


 

Recent Overview quote items      

In light of the basic invisibility of UN whistle-blowers over the past dozen years, this set of recent quote items provides an important "story line" of the few mentions that have popped into public view since 1996.  They are from Overview … Quotes II,  items 84, 86, 91, 108, 110, 115-116, 125, 127, 130-133, 137, 139, 141-144, and 146; from Overview … Quotes III, items 152, 156-159, 164, 172, 174, 180, 184, 187-188, 191, 200, 202,  and 207; and Overview … Quotes IV, items 214, 217, and 220.


 

Relevant websites on whistle-blowing efforts  (see also the full list at  Relevant websites)

An excellent website focusing on whistle-blowers, including the UN, is the Government Accountability Project (GAP), at www.whistleblower.org.

The worldwide association of professional fraud-fighters, the ACFE, at www.acfe.com, features in particular an excellent whistle-blower hotline (available to the UN), at "Fraud Resource Center", "EthicsLine", "Government Services", and "ViewInteractive Tour."

UN formal guidance on whistle-blowing is at www.un.org/Depts/oios, under "About Us", "Mandates."


 

Key Past and recent Sources (from among many more)

Details on the tortuous multi-year path a UN whistle-blower must follow are available on the IO Watch home page under US Supreme Court Case.

An excellent expert report of 2005 on the World Bank's whistleblower procedures is available at the GAP, www.whistleblower.org, under "Search", "Vaughn report".

An excellent 2006 article on "restorative justice" can be found at www.unausa.org, under "Publications", "Policy Briefs".

"A new critique of UN "internal justice" is on the IO Watch home page under UN War Crimes Judge."

A toothless UN policy on sexual harassment was nicely dissected in a 2001 expert report, available on the IO Watch home page, also under Legal.

Excellent broad guidance on whistleblowing is provided in The Journal of Public Inquiry, Fall/Winter 2001, and especially in Public sector transparency and accountability: Making it happen, Organization for Econom