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UN Performance Problems UN Management Accountability Struggles Where is the Rule of Law? Inadequate UN Oversight Recent Developments
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Whistle-blowers? What
whistle-blowers? As discussed in Black Holes 1,
the UN's cover-up of corruption has been hard to maintain, despite the
Secretariat's continual and determined efforts. The General Assembly's persistent
emphasis on management accountability; ongoing (and recently expanding) UN
corruption problems; extensive media coverage (especially in the Internet
age); and increasing global recognition of corruption and its pervasive
and damaging effects have all kept the issue alive. In contrast, the Secretariat's
effort to cover up UN whistle-blowing, and whistle-blowers, has been an
almost total success. From
the time that the General Assembly specifically called for encouraging and
firmly protecting them in 1994 -- despite strong Secretariat objections --
whistleblowers were simply kept invisible until an "Integrity Survey" of
UN staff suddenly revived the issue in 2004 and a major UN procurement
scandal appeared in 2005. As discussed under "Corruption
cover-up", the General Assembly pressed hard at the end of the 1980s for
more accountability and strengthened internal controls and audit. It also called for a confidential
mechanism for staff to report misconduct (hereinafter referred to as
whistle-blowing). The
Secretariat argued that whistle-blower efforts worldwide were patchy,
staff could not be protected, and there would be burdensome due process
and fairness difficulties. It
then concluded that the existing rules could handle misconduct. However, after new reports on
major flaws in UN anti-corruption efforts in 1993, the General Assembly
called for new "transparent and effective" management accountability
processes by January 1995. In
2004 it also established what became the unified Office of Internal
Oversight Services (OIOS), with a new investigations unit to, inter alia, receive confidential
whistle-blower reports.
The Assembly's push for such
whistle-blowing processes was, in fact, in tune with worldwide
developments as shown by
three expert quotes in 2001-2002 and a 2004 quote from a worldwide survey
on global anti-fraud trends: "As
the international community is increasingly recognizing, employees
(especially public employees) are an invaluable source of information
about official corruption. …
Whistleblower protection laws are intended to make it safe for employees
to disclose misconduct that they discover during the course of their
employment.
…. Statutory protection for
whistleblowers is only part of the equation, albeit an important
part. Cultural
change and top down support must accompany whistleblower protection laws
in order for them to achieve their
objectives." "Even when … systemic
requirements [for fighting corruption] are well satisfied on paper, they
will not be effective unless enforced. Fully effective enforcement
requires: ?
an
independent and competent judiciary ?
adequate
prosecutorial capabilities ?
whistle
blower protections …" "Reporting
misconduct by public servants is either required by law and/or facilitated
by organizational rules in two-thirds of OECD countries. A growing need to protect
whistleblowers in the public service is also visible across OECD
countries. … the
most commonly provided safeguards are legal protection and
anonymity."
"What
works [to combat corruption] FACTOR
RANK Internal
controls
1
Whistle-blowing
2 Internal
audit 3
Management
review 4 Accident
5 External
audit
6"
The new UN whistle-blower
system was actually launched with an excellent set of policies,
procedures, and protections.
The detailed guidance is still readily available: please see the
following documents at the OIOS website, www.un.org/depts./oios, under
"About us", "Mandate": -- the 1994 General Assembly
resolution establishing the OIOS specifically requested the
Secretary-General to ensure confidential reporting and protection for
staff reporting misconduct, and called on him to include these procedures
in the UN staff rules (at
"48/218 B", paras. 6-7); -- an official
Secretary-General's Bulletin in 1994 detailed whistle-blower procedures
and protections, including staff rights, confidentiality, fairness, and
due process (at "ST/SGB/273", para. 18) ; -- an administrative instruction of
1994 encouraged UN staff to submit reports of negligence or rule
violations, and then a 1996 information bulletin elaborated on
investigations of "mismanagement, misconduct, waste of resources, and
abuse of authority" with careful definitions of misconduct and
unsatisfactory performance (at "ST/AI/397" and "ST/IC/1996/29"). Despite this very promising policy start, however, the actual
UN whistle-blowing process stumbled severely. The first head of the OIOS, Mr.
Karl-Theodor Pashke, was "curiously laid back", initially contemptuous of
anonymous reports (until reminded it was his job to protect such
reporting), and decided that "fraud was not the main concern of the
OIOS." He subsequently had to
deny to a General Assembly committee in 1996 that he would ever
discriminate against a whistle-blower [although he did], and media
articles reported doubts about his commitment to "fraud fighting" and
whistle-blower protection.
The five observations below capture the considerable, long-standing
staff skepticism that exists on this topic: "Any staff member who
criticizes his boss on the record has destroyed his UN career
prospects."
(A senior UN official in the
late 1980s, informally advising a diplomat at a UN mission) "No senior UN official will
ever be punished unless he is caught with his hand flagrantly in the
financial cookie jar, or in an abusive sexual act, and even then only if those
actions have appeared in, or might appear in, the press" (A veteran UN administrative insider in New York in
the mid-1990s) "Time and time again, when
journalists have exposed scandals in the UN, senior officials have set up
an enquiry -- into who leaked!"
(A long-time observer of UN
operations and culture, in 1995) "There
are whispers that senior staff need not fear their peccadilloes will be
exposed. "Paschke's Finest",
it is said, will rake no muck above a certain level of political or
bureaucratic influence."
(A news article, in
1996) "UN
employees -- who request anonymity because they fear they will suffer more
professional harm than the corrupt officials they want to expose -- have
provided numerous accounts of officials' being transferred rather than
dismissed after being caught breaking the rules. This
happens frequently in cases of sexual harassment, nepotism, and
occasionally violence, according to these accounts. Whistle-blowers are neither
encouraged nor rewarded." (A news
article, in late 1997)
The new OIOS investigations
unit was equally weak, starting work very slowly and remaining
consistently understaffed. Further, its whistle-blowing work disappeared,
because the unit never reported on the results and accomplishments. Signs,
however, were discouraging.
The unit piled up a very large backlog of such reports; dismissed
many of them out-of-hand at "personal matters" which it casually passed on
to the personnel office to "deal with"; judged that many others provided
"insufficient evidence"; suggested that staff go instead to the UN's very
inept "internal justice" system; or, worst of all,
sent some
reports back to the staff members' units as "internal matters" for the
managers to "handle." Many
staff also knew of friends who submitted serious whistle-blower reports,
but never received any response.
After a splashy media report
on "an unprecedented wave of [UN] waste, fraud, and corruption" in 2000 and 22 cases
were sent to national courts for criminal prosecution, even details on
general OIOS investigative activities suddenly evaporated. IO Watch has analyzed the OIOS
reports of the past dozen years.
It found no reports of a whistle-blower who succeeded, no one
recognized for his or her efforts, and only one report on a possible case
of retaliation against a whistle-blower. There were also no statistics on
whistle-blower reports and results overall. In contrast, in 1998 Mr.
Paschke highlighted a manager whom OIOS vindicated of serious misconduct
as a "valuable service" of the OIOS, i.e., protecting individuals who have
been wrongly accused (the whistle-blower concerned was fired.).
Thereafter, even Mr. Paschke, and his successor Mr. Dileep Nair, fell
silent on whistle-blowing matters, while the UN top leadership, including
Mr. Annan, seem never, ever to have mentioned the issue during that first
decade.
However, two significant
events did occur in the late 1990s. First, the UN had had an excellent
code of staff conduct, emphasizing both rights and duties, since
1954. In 1998, however, it
was updated and replaced with a new Code of Conduct. The new code was very strong on
staff obligations and very weak on staff rights and due process. It also
totally ignored the strong 1994 rights and protections for whistle-blowers
established by the General Assembly and the Secretary-General, but did
include a firm instruction to staff to cooperate fully with "staff
members and other officials" investigating corruption and misconduct. This
gradually came to include not only OIOS professionals, but UN
managers, UN security guards, and assorted others (see Black Holes 4 on
"Free the [incompetent] managers" for more on these "Inspector
Clouseaus.")
Second, the General Assembly
did not give up on whistle-blowing issues, at least until after the new
millennium arrived. It
expressed continuing strong concern about fraud and a lack of sanctions
for managerial misconduct. In 1999 it debated a very unusual draft
resolution that "encouraged" the Secretary-General to ensure that UN
auditors were promptly protected from any reprisals, and in 2000 it
formally stressed that the Secretary-General should protect the rights of
whistle-blowers -- both clear signs that the Assembly realized that
something was very wrong behind the scenes.
UN whistle-blowing then
disappeared for several years, only to return with a bang in
mid-2004. A survey of staff
integrity produced surprisingly negative comments on UN leadership and the
management culture, also tied directly to the issue of
whistle-blowing. The
following four quotes show the general tenor of the survey results,
specific attitudes toward whistle-blowing, the (first-ever) thoughts of
Secretary-General Annan on whistle-blowing and the survey results, and a
sharp assessment by an expert observer of the Secretariat leadership games
being played. "A new survey of … [UN
integrity] has found that while structures for
reporting and combatting
corruption exist, most staff members are either unaware of how to
use them or afraid to do so for
fear of high-level
retaliation. …
Its most negative findings have
to do with ingrown leadership and the lack of response to reports of
corruption. 'Get
rid of the old boy network,' one staff member …
[says.] 'That network is
wide, tenacious and powerful. …
So long as you
can wind your way into that network, you are OK. … Opposing
the network is certainly the end of a UN career.'" "[The
Integrity Survey report states] Provide
a Safe Milieu Staff
members feel unprotected from reprisals for reporting violations of the
codes of conduct. This is not
a perception confined to a few staff in remote locales and/or dangerous
circumstances. Forty-six
percent (46%) gave unfavourable response to this item, while only 12% gave
favourable responses. The
causes of this perception have at least two sources: experience and/or
mistrust."
"[Secretary-General Annan
stated that] Staff
voice
concern about the consequences of 'whistle-blowing' or reporting on
misconduct, and uncertainty about the mechanisms for such reporting.
… We will inform all staff about the
means available to them for reporting on suspected misconduct. We will
also develop measures to reinforce formal protection for
whistle-blowers, while ensuring that they are not used to cloak
false accusations."
"Having
[found] … that Secretariat staff don't trust the top management and are
afraid to speak out for fear of reprisals, Mr. Annan's response will be to
convene a group of top managers and invite staff members to speak out.
… Does
anyone see a problem here? The
basic flaws are simple: Anytime you create a large institution, accord it
great privileges of secrecy, give it a big budget and have it run immune
from any sane standard of accountability, you are likely to get a corrupt
organization. …
The problem with the Secretariat isn't 'tone' at the top. It's accountability at the top and
secrecy throughout. … " In March 2005, a strange new
UN staff circular said that staff could report suspected misconduct to
senior managers, OIOS, the personnel office, the Ombudsman, the Staff
Counselor, the Panel of Counsel, the Focal Point for Women, and staff
groups (it did not mention cashiers in the UN cafeterias.) In August 2005, the
Secretary-General proudly announced that the OIOS was assisting in
drafting the UN's "first whistle-blower protection policy", (ignoring the
General Assembly's excellent 1994 policy available to anyone on the OIOS
website.) Mr. Annan also announced that a new Ethics Office would handle
reports of reprisals against staff whistle-blowers and witnesses. The UN's
new top manager stated in late 2005 that the UN did not have a functioning
whistle-blower policy, but would now "foster a new UN culture," and in
January 2006 he repeatedly praised the "courageous" UN whistle-blowers who
were coming forward in a burgeoning UN procurement scandal. In early 2006 the UN also issued
its new anti-retaliation policy
for whistle-blower protection, which was highly praised. IO Watch will try to keep up with
all these new cross currents, as and when they sort themselves
out.
Meanwhile, the oil-for-food
scandal investigations, and the passage of time, were finally bringing out
stories of staff severely punished for whistle-blowing. Because so much is hidden, IO
Watch offers a "chain" of quotes on whistle-blowing instances since 2002,
(see Overview Quotes in the "Interested in more details?" text box at the
end of this subsection.)
However, three instances in 2004-2005 testify to the severe damage
done to UN staff who tried to act with integrity on matters of corruption
and misconduct within the Organization. "[In 1997 three UN staff
became whistle-blowers reporting corruption at the UN war crimes tribunal
in Rwanda. … They all lost their jobs,
unfairly, because they complained … [even though OIOS investigated and
issued a damning report.] … Sirois … was unemployed for
four years as he tried to clear his name. … Lacoste left Arusha shattered and
dismayed. She … had lost four
years' income. [Goddard] …
was initially out of work for
nine months … and said his reputation as a chartered accountant [had] been
damaged. … All three of these highly qualified
people who tried to right wrongs only to lose faith in the U.N. justice
system now praise the [UN] Administrative Tribunal for its handling of
their cases in the end. But
why did it have to take so long and at such terrible human neglect all the
way to the top? And will they
ever be repaid for their losses?" "Two lawyers for U.N.
whistle-blowers urged the United Nations on Wednesday to protect staffers
who want to disclose corruption at the world body, including the
oil-for-food program for Iraq. One of the lawyers said 'five
or six' U.N. employees including a high-level employee had contacted him
for advice on how to reveal evidence of wrongdoing in [that] … programme
without jeopardizing their careers. … But based on his advice, none
of [them] … have gone public, he said. 'I know them. They won't. They are very quiet and under a
lot of stress.' … While U.N. rules call for
wrongdoers to be punished, they do nothing to shield staff members from
reprisals when they come forward with evidence … [the
lawyers]said. 'There is irreparable harm
when freedom of speech is canceled, irreparable harm to the institution,'
[one] said. 'The message is,
'Do not say anything to investigators.'"
"The United Nations … has its
own ways of dealing with whistle-blowers. Mostly, it fires them. … And
although a supervisor's retaliation for whistle-blowing is officially
prohibited under U.N. rules, enforcement comes only in the form of
penalties against the offending supervisor [Note: if at all] -- not job
reinstatement for the whistle-blower. … Recent whistle-blowers
interviewed by the National
Journal suffered [the loss of their jobs.] … Would-be U.N. whistle-blowers
are on perilous ground, as they have no legal right to defend
themselves. 'All they can do
is complain and say the bully should be punished' said Tom Devine, legal
director of the Government Accountability Project … The United Nations,
Devine says, provides staff with fewer rights to defend themselves than
'any other government agency I've encountered, either on the national or
the international level." *
*
*
* In sum, the UN Secretariat
has, for once, delivered on a performance promise, but in this case a
negative one. It argued in
1992 that a confidential whistle-blowing arrangement would not work in the
UN, and so far it has made that dire prediction come true. Even after the Integrity Survey
results and the procurement scandals revived the issue in 2004-2005, the
new Secretariat whistle-blower policy, however excellent, is still only
words. There is much
unfinished business that must be addressed both to clean up the UN's
whistle-blowing process and the surrounding pervasive and hostile
culture. IO Watch knows of many UN
staff who suffered under the post-1994 Secretariat failure to properly
implement w-blower reporting and to protect them for reporting misconduct
in good faith. It believes that whistle-blowing (as the rest of the world
knows, but not the UN) is a critically important way of combating
corruption in an organization. Regrettably, however, the poor
UN management culture remains very strong, despite the promised revival of
UN whistle-blower protection policy in 2006, and whistle-blower protection
is always an inherently challenging process to implement. Therefore IO Watch would caution
would-be UN whistle-blowers to think twice about sticking their necks out
and jeopardizing their careers, until there are clear signs that the
following critical areas are being corrected. 1.
The "Group of 18" recommendations in 1986, which kicked off
the "modern era" of UN management reforms, emphasized that efficient UN
staff management must rest on clear, coherent and transparent rules and
regulations, with special responsibility for a healthy work climate
resting on every manager and, above all, with senior managers. When it comes to
whistle-blowing rules, however, Secretary-General Annan and his senior
managers selectively promulgated the rules in 1998, and have never
corrected them.
In 1999 the UN replaced its
old code of conduct with a new one. However, the General Assembly and
staff were concerned at the draft code's heavy-handed emphasis on
obligations, lack of emphasis on managers' higher responsibilities and
level of accountability, and limited consultation on its contents as it
was pushed through to approval and issuance. The new code itself included a new
regulation which Mr. Annan and his legal office proceeded to ignore,
namely his own specific duty to ensure that staff rights, not just duties,
are respected: "Regulation 1.1
(c) that: "… all
administrative issuances of the Secretary-General related to the
implementation of its resolutions and decisions shall be in full
compliance with such resolutions and shall be reported to the General
Assembly in conformity with the established regulations, rules and
practices."]
The 1994 General Assembly
resolution on whistle-blowers had specifically called on the
Secretary-General to ensure that procedures are in effect that provide
protection against repercussions and protect individual rights, and also
to ensure that any necessary amendments were included in the UN Staff
Rules and Regulations. Yet Mr. Annan and his legal office excluded from
the new 1999 code the careful due process rights and protections that the
General Assembly had specified (and the related Secretary-General's
Bulletin which expanded on them.)
The UN leadership might argue that this was just an
unfortunate oversight, but this is belied by the fact that their new Code
did include a tough statement of staff obligations not even mentioned in
1994, namely that staff must cooperate fully with "staff members and other
officials" authorized to investigate fraud, waste, and
abuse.
Three actions are needed to
rectify this highly improper action. First, the 1994 General Assembly
guidance should be added to the UN Staff Regulations and Rules as soon as
possible (for instance, along with planned new rules to cope with the UN
procurement mess). The new
2006 whistle-blower protection policy can be added too, if it is carefully
harmonized with the 1994 guidance so as not to dilute
it. Second, the General Assembly
might wish to express its displeasure at the Secretary-General's selective
approach to revisions and updates of staff rules, and to check rules
revisions much more carefully in the future to see that such abuses do not
reoccur.
Third, Mr. Annan and his legal
office should be sanctioned for their serious failure of due diligence in
revising the rules in 1998. They should also be publicly shamed for the
severe damage they inflicted on the careers of UN staff who reported
corruption and misconduct as they were invited to do over the 1994-2005
period, but were provided no clear staff rules to protect them and
suffered accordingly. Secretary-General Annan will
probably say, as he did on the Iraq oil-for-food programme, that he "did
not know" of the events, and was "very busy elsewhere." But the GA stressed in a May 2006
resolution the need for greater accountability of the Secretary-General
himself, and for "instruments for "rigorous enforcement" of
accountability, "without exception -- at all levels." Mr. Annan's traditional "chief
executive" excuses do not wash anymore. As one legal expert said wisely,
after the top officials of the scandal-ridden Enron corporation were
convicted in the US for fraud, conspiracy, and false statements in the
summer of 2006, "you can delegate responsibility,
but you can't escape it."
2.
The UN could kill two birds with one stone by combining the
Secretariat's newly-professed desire to outsource certain functions with
avoidance of amateurish confidential reporting processes in the many
UN offices now available to
receive staff misconduct reports.
The Association of Certified
Fraud Examiners, at www.acfe.com, under "Fraud
Resource Center," has for 25 years provided a highly-professional,
confidential, tollfree hotline for hundreds of public and private
organizations, operating 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, in 150
languages. Outsourcing
confidential UN staff reporting to this EthicsLine would undoubtedly cost
less, be more efficient, and avoid the staff mistrust of OIOS and free its
understaffed investigators for other priority work. It would also be far more reliable
than the new Ethics Office or any other UN office in ensuring that the
requisite legal/investigative skills exist for the very important task of
processing (and protecting) confidential staff reports of UN fraud and
misconduct allegations. 3. Any discussion of confidential
reporting of fraud and misconduct by UN staff must consider the impunity
and weakness of the UN management culture. Making a whistle-blower report is
not just a matter of submitting a report followed by, at worst, a "Sorry,
insufficient evidence, but thanks for trying." In fact, it is quite the
opposite. Several subsections
of this website (see the following text box, first item) discuss in detail
the long-standing problems of UN staff suffering under incompetent or
abusive UN managers. The
expert comment in 2005 that UN staff have fewer rights to defend
themselves than 'any other government agency I've encountered, either on
the national or the international level" are true. In the UN's impunity culture
(derived from its diplomatic immunity) managers so inclined have many
subtle ways to harass, embarrass, or punish staff without fear of being
sanctioned.
Whistle-blowers are
particularly at risk. They
almost always report on wrongdoing and misconduct which they know, that
is, in their own unit. Even
when (or if) the OIOS follows up with a discreet examination in
that work unit, the topic helps the manager figure out who is responsible,
and to apply unpleasant consequences accordingly and
freely. The only process available in
such situations, the Secretariat's "internal justice" system, is
thoroughly dominated by the UN Administration. For two decades the General
Assembly and staff have sought an
"independent,
transparent, effective, efficient and fair" system, but without
success. The head of an
expert panel commissioned by the UN staff union in June 2006 concluded
bluntly that that the Secretariat system was one where everything was
conducted "under wraps and in secret", and that "justice is all but
impossible for UN employees."
When forced to seek justice in
this system, harassed and/or punished whistle-blowers know in advance that
the manager involved will never be sanctioned, that any adverse
administrative decision that has been imposed on them will never be
reversed, that the system seems especially blind to "abuse and harassment"
cases, and that they must spend four or five years pursuing an appeal with
little due process, many delays, and at the end -- at best -- the receipt
of several thousand dollars for all the disruption, distraction, stress,
and paperwork-shuffling they
suffered along the way. 4. Shamed by the Integrity Survey
results, the Secretariat is developing a rather disorderly set of
prescriptions for improvement, which must be carefully considered as they
are made more clear. The Ethics Office seems overstaffed, and their
responsibilities and professional capacities are still quite unclear.
Ethics awareness is certainly necessary as part of an anti-corruption
strategy, but hardly sufficient. The UN's poor or abusive managers fear
knowledgeable whistle-blower reports, but will let the ethics people talk
all they want. As Groucho
Marx once said, "The secret to life is honesty and fair dealing. If you can fake that, you've got
it made."
It is also important that
Member States carefully examine the detailed content of the many new
whistle-blowing policy, and related initiatives and actions, which the
Secretariat, with its past failures and many self-serving axes to grind,
has now laid out in 2006.
They must be assessed against the excellent, tight, and sound
guidance which the General
Assembly specified in 1994 for the whistle-blowing process (see again
resolution 48/218 B, paras. 6-7, and ST/SGB/273, para. 18, via "Relevant
websites", OIOS, in the text box.) 5. The Integrity Survey report of
2004, observing decisive UN staff mistrust of the whistle-blowing
process, concluded that "The
basis for these … [staff perceptions and mistrust of the whistle-blowing
process] has got to be determined and remediation must be made.
…"
Secretary-General
Annan, as usual, set the tone by promising future change but never looking
back. Of course, the senior
leadership does not want to expose the reprisals taken and especially not
the remediation (since there was none.) The Secretariat is thus setting
up a tabula resa on
whistle-blowing in 2006, to ignore the whistle-blowing debacle of the past
decade.
An interesting article on
"restorative justice" (see "Key sources …" in the boxed text), and the
work of Truth Commissions in various countries, deal with the
all-important issue of
"looking back". Under
lessons learned, the article cites the need to gather interviews and
testimonials from the punished and record the abuses in a written record,
provide recognition (at least) for suffering, contribute to a healing
process, and establish a history of those abuses so that in future they
cannot be denied.
To strengthen UN
whistle-blowing while not erasing the past, the General Assembly should
create an independent panel of experts to examine and assess the very
defective past UN whistle-blowing experience since 1994. Such a public report is important
not only for the above-stated reasons, but because many of the abusive
managers, senior administration officials (acting "in the name of" the
Secretary-General), the legal office (see again item 1. above) and the
administrators of the inept "internal justice" system are still on the
scene, unshamed. A panel
review could lead to their sanction or at least reassignment elsewhere,
and sharply check the Secretariat's undoubted inclination to continue on
as before. It could also put Member States on notice about subtle ways in
which the Secretariat "human resources" and legal apparatus may seek to
subvert the rights of whistle-blowers in the future. 6.
An important anti-corruption weapon like whistle-blowing should not
be hidden away, as the Secretariat leadership did for a decade until the
Integrity Survey results revealed the deep staff mistrust of the
process. The General
Assembly should firmly insist that annual Secretary-General's reports on a
real anti-fraud programme must include whistle-blowing activity and
results: including any and all units involved in the process, how many
reports made, in what categories, from what parts of the organization, how
disposed of including how many and why rejected, backlogs, how many
successes and with what results, how many retaliations and actions taken,
and other patterns.
Whistle-blowing suppressed as
at present will never achieve anything. But if it is made visible through
transparent and regular reporting, and given priority and firm support by
top management, it can greatly help the Secretariat to better use the $9
billion it receives yearly. Protected whistle-blowing certainly could have
alleviated much of the waste and mismanagement in the UN's recent Iraq
oil-for-food and ongoing
procurement scandals. 7.
As already discussed, there have been many sanctions, some very
severe, imposed on UN whistle-blowers. The UN has otherwise always been
very weak on sanctions in general, and on rewards as well. If staff members were rewarded
by a small percentage amount of any cost savings which their reports of
waste, fraud or misconduct uncover (as is done in various organizations in
some countries), they would have a very solid further incentive to
act. This would certainly
be better than the current process where they put their integrity and
careers on the line by reporting misconduct, only to then see their lives
too often trampled by unchecked retaliation from UN senior management and
the feeble "internal justice" processes. Finally, the above actions, if
taken (and if is a crucial word
in UN management reform), could bring to life the proposal made by two
prestigious UN observers more than a decade ago. Although stifled ever since, its
implementation could do much to help the UN more wisely and accountably
use the large resources entrusted to it by Member
States. "The debilitating atmosphere
and the rise of cronyism have sapped staff confidence in justice within
secretariats. Even peer
appeal boards lack full trust because no staff member seeking redress can
feel confident any longer that he or she may not be intimidated. This state of affairs has been
well known. … [There should be] a proper
resort system whereby staff can report malfeasance without fear, staff
seeking redress can have proper counsel, and all staff can have the
requisite measure of protection from imperious behavior by poorly-chosen
superiors. …" Erskine Childers, with Brian
Urquhart, "Renewing the United Nations System", 1994,
pp. 169-170. [emphasis added.] Interested in more details? IO
Watch Archive subsections
In general, see Disappearing Whistle-blowers and
Suppressed
Whistle-Blowers.
On non-inclusion of whistle-blower rights and protections in the UN
Staff Rules and Code of Conduct see UN Code of Conduct and Revision of the Code of
Conduct.
On the hazards to, and harassment of, whistle-blowers and other
staff, see Inept "Administration of Justice"
System, Behind the Scenes, Outmoded internal justice system,
and The most serious
loopholes.
On ways in which UN staff can defend themselves against the above,
see Staff
Self-defense. Recent Overview quote items
In light of the basic invisibility of UN
whistle-blowers over the past dozen years, this set of recent quote items
provides an important "story line" of the few mentions that have popped
into public view since 1996.
They are from Overview … Quotes II, items 84, 86, 91, 108, 110,
115-116, 125, 127, 130-133, 137, 139, 141-144, and 146; from Overview … Quotes III, items 152,
156-159, 164, 172, 174, 180, 184, 187-188, 191, 200, 202, and 207; and Overview … Quotes IV, items 214,
217, and 220.
Relevant websites on whistle-blowing efforts (see also the full list at Relevant
websites) An excellent website focusing on whistle-blowers,
including the UN, is the Government Accountability Project (GAP), at
www.whistleblower.org. The worldwide association of professional
fraud-fighters, the ACFE, at www.acfe.com,
features in particular an excellent whistle-blower hotline (available to
the UN), at "Fraud Resource Center", "EthicsLine", "Government Services",
and "ViewInteractive Tour." UN formal guidance on whistle-blowing is at
www.un.org/Depts/oios, under
"About Us", "Mandates." Key
Past and recent Sources (from among many
more) Details on the tortuous multi-year
path a UN whistle-blower must follow are available on the IO Watch home
page under US Supreme Court
Case. An excellent expert report of 2005 on
the World Bank's whistleblower procedures is available at the GAP,
www.whistleblower.org, under
"Search", "Vaughn report". An excellent 2006 article on
"restorative justice" can be found at www.unausa.org, under
"Publications", "Policy Briefs". "A new critique of UN "internal justice" is on the IO Watch home page under UN War Crimes Judge." A toothless UN policy on sexual
harassment was nicely dissected in a 2001 expert report, available on the
IO Watch home page, also under Legal. Excellent broad guidance on whistleblowing is provided in The Journal of Public Inquiry, Fall/Winter 2001, and especially in Public sector transparency and accountability: Making it happen, Organization for Econom | |||